Time Frames of Spoken Language Steven Greenberg International

Time Frames of Spoken Language Steven Greenberg International

Time Frames of Spoken Language Steven Greenberg International Computer Science Institute 1947 Center Street, Berkeley, CA 94704 http://www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng [email protected] In Collaboration with Hannah Carvey, Leah Hitchcock and Shawn Chang Acknowledgements and Thanks Statistical Analysis and Automatic Classification Hannah Carvey, Shawn Chang, Leah Hitchcock Research Funding U.S. National Science Foundation U.S. Department of Defense For Further Information Consult the web site: www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng OVERTURE

The Central Challenge for Models of Speech Recognition Language - The Traditional Perspective The classical view of spoken language posits a quasi-arbitrary relation between the lower and higher tiers of linguistic organization Cat = /k/ + /ae/ + /t/ Cat= [k] + [ae] + [t] The Serial Frame Perspective on Speech Traditional models of speech recognition assume the identity of a phonetic segment is derived from a detailed spectral profile of the acoustic signal (provided courtesy of the auditory system) computed for each interval (frame) of speech The Serial Frame Perspective on Speech Traditional models of speech recognition assume the identity of a phonetic segment is derived from a detailed spectral profile of the acoustic signal (provided courtesy of the auditory system) computed for each interval (frame) of speech (this is literally how automatic speech recognition systems decode the speech signal) Challenge Number One Pronunciation Variability

Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced (as the following two slides illustrate for the word and based on manual phonetic annotation of a corpus comprising telephone dialogues) How Many Pronunciations of and? N 82 63 45 35 34 30 20 17 17 11

7 7 6 6 5 4 4 4 3 3 Pronunciation ae n eh n ix n ax n en n Canonical pronunciation ae n dcl

d ih n q ae n ae n d q eh n ae nx ae ae n ah n eh nx uh n ix

nx q ae n dcl eh n d q ae nx d N 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 Pronunciation eh ae n dcl ae ax m ax n d ae eh n

eh n dcl ax nx q ae ae q ix n ix n dcl ih eh eh n q eh nx ix d n eh m

ax n dcl aw n ae q eh dcl dcl d n d d d How Many Pronunciations of and? N 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Pronunciation ah nx ae n t eh d

ah n dcl ey ih n ae ix n ae nx ax ax ng ay n ih ah n ae hh ih ng ix ae

n d ix dcl d ae eh n hh n ix n t ae ax n iy eh n d dcl d

dcl dcl d N 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 Pronunciation m ae ae n nx q ae ae q ae ae q ae eh q ae ih aa n

q ae n ? nx q ae n eh n m q eh en eh ng q eh n em q eh ow q ih

n q ix en er d n n n n d q dcl q m dcl dcl d d Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech

The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard) How Many Different Pronunciations? Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

20 Word I and the you that a to know of it yeah in they do so but is like have was

1 2 3 4 5 I a nd th e y ou th a t 6 a 7 to 8 k now

9 1 0 1 1 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 ih z

hha e v wa h z w iy ih tc ls jh ix s a a n e r ma a q fe r wa h d x th e n be a s out k in d be c a ue go got th is s o me

w o u ld th in g s now lo t ha d how good 5 9 5 8 5 8 5 6 5 6 5 5 5 5 4 6 2 7 1 9 1 7 2 5 8 1 9 9

2 1 1 6 1 8 3 6 2 8 9 1 0 2 1 8 2 0 1 6 8 1 8 1 8 4 1 3 1 2 8 1 5

5 1 5 0 4 9 4 7 4 7 4 6 4 5 4 5 4 5 4 4 4 3 4 1 4 1 3 9 3 9 3 9 1 9 1 1 1 6 1 9 1 7 3 1

2 1 5 3 2 1 1 4 1 6 1 5 1 1 9 1 9 we h l dhe hs 6 1 4 5 7 8 ow rih liy wa h n 4 2

2 6 e r qa a m 2 8 ra y 4 1 a h 2 3 2 2 a x m a e dx dhe hr 6 6 5 8 1 4

ma y m iy n dx ow 7 7 3 5 5 5 5 4 5 4 3 8 7 6 now w ih th ih f we h n k c lk a e n dhe hn b c lb iy 1 8

2 2 2 1 1 5 a e z a e dx k c lk a x n x k c lk a x z 4 4 p c lp iy p c le l 8 3 1 5 4 7 4 8 2 9 5 2 g c lg o w g c lg a a d h ih s s a hm w ih d c l th ih n g z

6 9 4 7 2 4 na w la a d x hha e dc l 3 9 3 8 1 1 1 3 5 3 2 7 hha w g c lg u h d c l ge t 3 8

2 0 1 3 g c lg e h d x s e e 3 7 6 8 0 fro m he me d o n 't th e ir m o re it's th a t's to o ok a y

v e ry up be e n gue s s tim e g o in g in to th o s e 9 2 9 3 9 4 9 5 9 6 9 7 ih y a e ih n s ow la y k c lk

a x b c lb a w a ol 8 8 9 8 a x now a x v dhe y d c ld u w b c lb a h tc lt th ih n g k c lk 1 2 2 4 8 9

9 9 a y a e n dha x y ix dha e tc ltu w 4 3 4 5 6 0 5 4 7 4 1 2 5 0 4 6 5 4 2 3 8 3 2 0 1 7 4 9

3 6 2 4 3 2 4 6 2 3 1 4 6 7 p e o p le 7 2 7 3 7 4 7 5 7 6 7 7 7 8 7 9 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 8 4

8 5 8 6 8 7 4 8 2 2 2 8 3 0 1 4 4 5 2 4 1 9 2 2 2 4 1 3 1 4 3 4 1 8 2 3 2 4 2 3 1 9 4 9 4 0

7 7 7 4 7 4 7 4 7 1 6 9 6 8 6 1 6 0 6 0 5 7 9 0 9 8 9 4 9 2 9 2 8 7 8 4

6 7 9 1 2 0 1 1 6 4 1 4 5 6 2 1 2 2 1 0 1 8 2 5 8 5 9 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5

6 6 5 3 1 6 2 7 2 8 6 6 3 4 4 4 2 0 3 1 7 8 1 5 2 1 3 1 1 3 0 1 2 3 1 2 0 1 1 9 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 0 8 1 0 1

a t c a n 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 5 3 8 7 7 6 6 8 1 1 7 4 9 is or oh a re

I'm uh my no w ith if wh e n 1 0 0 6 4 9 5 2 1 4 7 5 4 0 6 3 2 8 3 1 9 2 8 8 2 4 2 2 4 0

in do s o but lik e we it's ju s t on not fo r one rig h t th e re me a n

d o n 't 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 2 4 9 of th e y ha v e wa s th in k we l wh a t a bout a l th a t's

re a ly th e m 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 7 it y e a h 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1

2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 6 3 6 3 5 3 5 3 3 3 2 3 1 3 1 3 1 3 1 3 0 3 0 3 0 2 9

2 9 2 9 2 8 2 7 1 0 7 5 2 1 1 9 1 1 1 4 2 0 6 1 7 1 1 1 1 1 1 8 8 2 1 2 0 1 2

2 8 2 7 1 1 2 5 d id 2 7 1 3 2 3 w o rk a n e v e n our a ny

2 5 2 5 2 5 2 5 2 4 2 4 8 1 4 1 2 7 9 7 s iy fra h m 3 9 iy 8 7 1 4 2 5

5 6 2 0 1 6 6 0 4 5 3 6 3 4 5 1 4 2 6 2 m iy dx ow dhe hr ma o r ih tc ls dhe hs tc ltu w o w k c lk e y v e h riy a h p c lp b c lb ih n g c lg e h s tc lta y m

1 3 g c lg o w ih n g 1 4 4 2 h e re o th e r I'v e th in g w e 're ih n tc ltu w d h o wz h h iy e r d c ld ih d x 6 6 w e rk c lk 2 6

a hdhe r 2 8 a x n 4 6 5 2 a y v th ih n g 4 0 iy v ix n 2 3 9 2 3 1 1

2 3 ix n iy 2 3 8 2 5 3 3 we y r a a r N 649 521 475 406 328 319

288 249 242 240 203 178 152 131 130 123 120 119 116 111 #Pron 53 87 76 68 117 28 66 34

44 49 48 22 28 30 14 45 24 19 22 24 MCP %Total 53 16 27 20 11 64 14 56 21

22 43 45 60 54 74 12 50 46 54 23 The 20 most frequent words account for 35% of the tokens Most Common Pronunciation ay ae n dh ax y ix dh ae ax tcl t uw n ow

ax v ih y ae ih n dh ey dcl d uw s ow bcl b ah tcl t ih z l ay kcl k hh ae v w ah z QUESTION How do listeners decode the speech signal given the large amount of pronunciation variation? Challenge Number Two Acoustic Variability Effects of Reverberation on the Speech Signal Reflections from walls and other surfaces routinely modify the spectro-temporal structure of the speech signal under everyday conditions

Effects of Reverberation on the Speech Signal Reflections from walls and other surfaces routinely modify the spectro-temporal structure of the speech signal under everyday conditions Yet, the intelligibility of speech is remarkably stable (unless the amount of reverberation or background noise is truly extreme) Effects of Reverberation on the Speech Signal Reflections from walls and other surfaces routinely modify the spectro-temporal structure of the speech signal under everyday conditions Yet, the intelligibility of speech is remarkably stable (unless the amount of reverberation or background noise is truly extreme) How can this be so? QUESTION Is there some acoustic property that provides a basis for perceptual stability of the speech signal? An Invariant Property of the Speech Signal? Low-frequency energy fluctuations of the pressure waveform are largely preserved under many acoustic-interference conditions Modulation Spectrum [based on an illustration by Hynek Hermansky] An Invariant Property of the Speech Signal?

Low-frequency energy fluctuations of the pressure waveform are largely preserved under many acoustic-interference conditions In reverberant environments the MODULATION SPECTRUMS peak is attenuated and shifted down to ca. 2 Hz (but is largely preserved) Modulation Spectrum [based on an illustration by Hynek Hermansky] An Invariant Property of the Speech Signal? Low-frequency energy fluctuations of the pressure waveform are largely preserved under many acoustic-interference conditions In reverberant environments the modulation spectrums peak is attenuated and shifted down to ca. 2 Hz (but is largely preserved) (What is the modulation spectrum? you ask) Modulation Spectrum [based on an illustration by Hynek Hermansky] An Invariant Property of the Speech Signal? Low-frequency energy fluctuations of the pressure waveform are largely preserved under many acoustic-interference conditions In reverberant environments the modulation spectrums peak is attenuated and shifted down to ca. 2 Hz (but is largely preserved) (What is the modulation spectrum? you ask) Lets find out! Modulation Spectrum [based on an illustration by Hynek Hermansky]

Modulation Spectrum Computation Intelligibility and the Modulation Spectrum Significant attenuation (or distortion) of the modulation spectrum results in an appreciable decline in the ability to understand spoken language Greenberg and Arai (1998) Intelligibility and the Modulation Spectrum Significant attenuation (or distortion) of the modulation spectrum results in an appreciable decline in the ability to understand spoken language Why should this be so? Greenberg and Arai (1998) Anatomy of the Modulation Spectrum Why is the modulation spectrums integrity so crucial for intelligibility? Anatomy of the Modulation Spectrum Why is the modulation spectrums integrity so crucial for intelligibility? What does it reflect linguistically? Anatomy of the Modulation Spectrum Why is the modulation spectrums integrity so crucial for intelligibility?

What does it reflect linguistically? Why is the bandwidth of the modulation spectrum associated with (intelligible) speech so broad? Anatomy of the Modulation Spectrum Why is the modulation spectrums integrity so crucial for intelligibility? What does it reflect linguistically? Why is the bandwidth of the modulation spectrum associated with (intelligible) speech so broad? Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed across a 6-kHz bandwidth) Anatomy of the Modulation Spectrum Why is the modulation spectrums integrity so crucial for intelligibility? What does it reflect linguistically? Why is the bandwidth of the modulation spectrum associated with (intelligible) speech so broad? Does the modulation spectrum reflect a unitary property of the speech signal? Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed

across a 6-kHz bandwidth) Anatomy of the Modulation Spectrum Why is the modulation spectrums integrity so crucial for intelligibility? What does it reflect linguistically? Why is the bandwidth of the modulation spectrum associated with (intelligible) speech so broad? Does the modulation spectrum reflect a unitary property of the speech signal? Or something more complex? Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed across a 6-kHz bandwidth) The Modulation Spectrum Reflects Syllables The peak in the modulation spectrum (for speech) is ca. 5 Hz (200 ms) The Modulation Spectrum Reflects Syllables The peak in the modulation spectrum (for speech) is ca. 5 Hz (200 ms) The distribution associated with SYLLABLE DURATION is similar to the pattern of the MODULATION SPECTRUM . The Modulation Spectrum Reflects Syllables The peak in the modulation spectrum (for speech) is ca. 5 Hz (200 ms)

The distribution associated with SYLLABLE DURATION is similar to the pattern of the MODULATION SPECTRUM . Syllable duration distribution associated with a 30-minute subset of Switchboard Syllable duration (in terms of equivalent Modulation frequency) Modulation Spectrum Modulation spectrum of a short excerpt from the Switchboard Corpus The Modulation Spectrum Reflects Syllables The peak in the modulation spectrum (for speech) is ca. 5 Hz (200 ms) The distribution associated with SYLLABLE DURATION is similar to the pattern of the MODULATION SPECTRUM . Suggesting that the latter reflects SYLLABLES Syllable duration distribution associated

with a 30-minute subset of Switchboard Modulation spectrum of a short excerpt from the Switchboard Corpus Syllable duration (in terms of equivalent Modulation frequency) The Trouble with Syllables The question thus arises The Trouble with Syllables The question thus arises If the modulation spectrum truly reflects syllables in the speech signal The Trouble with Syllables The question thus arises If the modulation spectrum truly reflects syllables in the speech signal Why is the distribution of syllable duration so broad? The Trouble with Syllables

The question thus arises If the modulation spectrum truly reflects syllables in the speech signal Why is the distribution of syllable duration so broad? Syllable duration (modulation frequency) Modulation Spectrum Modulation spectrum of 15 minutes of spontaneous Japanese speech (OGI-TS corpus) compared with the syllable duration distribution for the same material (Arai and Greenberg, 1997) The Trouble with Syllables The question thus arises If the modulation spectrum truly reflects syllables in the speech signal Why is the distribution of syllable duration so broad? And does this variability in syllable duration reflect something significant? Syllable duration

(modulation frequency) Modulation Spectrum Modulation spectrum of 15 minutes of spontaneous Japanese speech (OGI-TS corpus) compared with the syllable duration distribution for the same material (Arai and Greenberg, 1997) PART ONE What Underlies Variation in Word Duration? Word Duration Most words (81%) in the Switchboard corpus are monosyllabic, and most of the remainder are disyllabic (together comprising 95% of the words) Word Duration Most words (81%) in the Switchboard corpus are monosyllabic, and most of the remainder are disyllabic (together comprising 95% of the words)

The distribution of word duration therefore largely parallels that of syllables units of duration [ms] on a logarithmic scale) All Words (plotted in What Underlies Word Duration Variability? Is this distribution of lexical duration of a uniform nature (and source)? What Underlies Word Duration Variability? Is this distribution of lexical duration of a uniform nature (and source)? Or does it reflect a more complex set of phenomena? What Underlies Word Duration Variability? Is this distribution of lexical duration of a uniform nature (and source)? Or does it reflect a more complex set of phenomena? It has been observed for WRITTEN text that the more frequent words tend to be shorter and the less common words longer (i.e., Zipfs law) What Underlies Word Duration Variability? Is this distribution of lexical duration of a uniform nature (and source)? Or does it reflect a more complex set of phenomena? It has been observed for WRITTEN text that the more frequent words tend to be shorter and the less common words longer (i.e.,

Zipfs law) Does such a relationship hold for spoken language? What Underlies Word Duration Variability? Is this distribution of lexical duration of a uniform nature (and source)? Or does it reflect a more complex set of phenomena? It has been observed for WRITTEN text that the more frequent words tend to be shorter and the less common words longer (i.e., Zipfs law) Does such a relationship hold for spoken language? Lets find out! Is Word Duration Related to Word Frequency? Word duration (derived from the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus) can be plotted relative to frequency of occurrence Is Word Duration Related to Word Frequency? Word duration (derived from the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus) can be plotted relative to frequency of occurrence Duration (ms) 500 450 400 350 300

250 200 150 100 Words with fewer than 5 instances omitted from graph 50 r = 0 .42 0 1 10 100 Number of Occurences 1000

Is Word Duration Related to Word Frequency? Word duration (derived from the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus) can be plotted relative to frequency of occurrence Such an exercise shows that there is a WEAK relationship (r = 0.42) between lexical (unigram) frequency and word duration Duration (ms) 500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 Words with fewer than 5 instances omitted from graph 50 r = 0 .42

0 1 10 100 Number of Occurences 1000 Is Word Duration Related to Word Frequency? Word duration (derived from the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus) can be plotted relative to frequency of occurrence Such an exercise shows that there is a WEAK relationship (r = 0.42) between lexical (unigram) frequency and word duration There is a lot of variability in word duration for any given frequency range Duration (ms) 500 450 400 350

300 250 200 150 100 Words with fewer than 5 instances omitted from graph 50 r = 0 .42 0 1 10 100 Number of Occurences 1000

Is Word Duration Related to Word Frequency? Word duration (derived from the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus) can be plotted relative to frequency of occurrence Such an exercise shows that there is a WEAK relationship (r = 0.42) between lexical (unigram) frequency and word duration There is a lot of variability in word duration for any given frequency range Suggesting that lexical frequency, alone, is unlikely to account for variation in word duration Duration (ms) 500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 Words with fewer than 5 instances omitted from graph 50

r = 0 .42 0 1 10 100 Number of Occurences 1000 If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with individual syllables within a word

If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary) If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary) In order to obtain empirical data pertaining to stress accent, it is necessary to manually annotate a corpus (syllable by syllable) If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with

individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary) In order to obtain empirical data pertaining to stress accent, it is necessary to manually annotate a corpus (syllable by syllable) This manual annotation has been performed for a 45-minute subset of the Switchboard corpus, which has also been labeled with respect to phonetic segments, syllables and words If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary) In order to obtain empirical data pertaining to stress accent, it is necessary to manually annotate a corpus (syllable by syllable) This manual annotation has been performed for a 45-minute subset of the Switchboard corpus, which has also been labeled with respect to phonetic segments, syllables and words It is thus possible to ascertain the relationship between stress accent and

duration at the level of the word, syllable and phonetic segment If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary) In order to obtain empirical data pertaining to stress accent, it is necessary to manually annotate a corpus (syllable by syllable) This manual annotation has been performed for a 45-minute subset of the Switchboard corpus, which has also been labeled with respect to phonetic segments, syllables and words It is thus possible to ascertain the relationship between stress accent and duration at the level of the word, syllable and phonetic segment The remainder of this presentation focuses on the statistical relationship between stress accent and duration at these different linguistic tiers If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with

individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary) In order to obtain empirical data pertaining to stress accent, it is necessary to manually annotate a corpus (syllable by syllable) This manual annotation has been performed for a 45-minute subset of the Switchboard corpus, which has also been labeled with respect to phonetic segments, syllables and words It is thus possible to ascertain the relationship between stress accent and duration at the level of the word, syllable and phonetic segment The remainder of this presentation focuses on the statistical relationship between stress accent and duration at these different linguistic tiers Before examining these data, lets briefly consider the nature of the annotated material If Not (entirely) Word Frequency, Then What? One parameter that might be more directly related to word duration (and other durational properties of speech) is STRESS ACCENT Stress Accent is related to the emphasis (or prominence) associated with individual syllables within a word Although dictionaries list the stress patterns associated with words, this information is but a rough guide to the actual patterns observed (as is the phonetic pronunciation provided in the dictionary)

In order to obtain empirical data pertaining to stress accent, it is necessary to manually annotate a corpus (syllable by syllable) This manual annotation has been performed for a 45-minute subset of the Switchboard corpus, which has also been labeled with respect to phonetic segments, syllables and words It is thus possible to ascertain the relationship between stress accent and duration at the level of the word, syllable and phonetic segment The remainder of this presentation focuses on the statistical relationship between stress accent and duration at these different linguistic tiers Before examining these data, lets briefly consider the nature of the annotated material (this is important for evaluating the reliability of the results obtained) INTERMEZZO Being Phonetically (and Prosodically) Annotated Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD

corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining material has been segmented at the phonetic-segment level using automatic methods

Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining material has been segmented at the phonetic-segment level using automatic methods 45 minutes of stress-accent-labeled material Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining material has been segmented at the phonetic-segment level using automatic methods 45 minutes of stress-accent-labeled material An additional four hours of material automatically labeled with respect to accent (this latter material not used in the current analysis, but will be available soon) Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English

Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining material has been segmented at the phonetic-segment level using automatic methods 45 minutes of stress-accent-labeled material An additional four hours of material automatically labeled with respect to accent (this latter material not used in the current analysis, but will be available soon) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining material has been segmented at the phonetic-segment level using automatic methods 45 minutes of stress-accent-labeled material An additional four hours of material automatically labeled with respect to accent (this latter material not used in the current analysis, but will be available soon)

There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this Material has been Manually Annotated 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllabic level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining material has been segmented at the phonetic-segment level using automatic methods 45 minutes of stress-accent-labeled material An additional four hours of material automatically labeled with respect to accent (this latter material not used in the current analysis, but will be available soon) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality Transcription System A variant of Arpabet (which was also used for transcription of the TIMIT corpus)

Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English The Data are Available at . Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English The Data are Available at . http://www.icsi/berkeley.edu/real/stp Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform, spectrogram

Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform, spectrogram, word transcription Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform, spectrogram, word transcription and forced alignments (automatic estimates of phones and boundaries) Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform, spectrogram, word transcription and forced alignments (automatic estimates of phones and boundaries) + audio Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform, spectrogram, word transcription and forced alignments (automatic estimates of phones and boundaries) + audio (listening at multiple time scales - phone, word, utterance) on Sun workstations

Phonetic Transcription How was the Labeling and Segmentation Performed? VERY carefully . by UC-Berkeley linguistics students Using a display of the signal waveform, spectrogram, word transcription and forced alignments (automatic estimates of phones and boundaries) + audio (listening at multiple time scales - phone, word, utterance) on Sun workstations Additionally, automatic segmentation and labeling of articulatory manner was used as a guide for phonetic labeling and segmentation in recent work Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy

Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy Light Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy Light None Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy

Light None Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy Light None (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to a fully accented syllables, a null to completely unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others) Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy Light

None (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to a fully accented syllables, a null to completely unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy Light None (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to a fully accented syllables, a null to completely unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5)

Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy Light None (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to a fully accented syllables, a null to completely unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5) (and one other labeled as very lightly accented (0.25)) PART TWO The Relation between Stress Accent and Word Duration Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration

Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration

Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration In previous studies my colleagues and I have shown that f 0 -related cues play a relatively small role in stress accent assignment (at least for spontaneous American English material) Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three

principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration In previous studies my colleagues and I have shown that f 0 -related cues play a relatively small role in stress accent assignment (at least for spontaneous American English material) Amplitude and duration appear to play a far more important role than f 0 Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration In previous studies my colleagues and I have shown that f 0 -related cues play a relatively small role in stress accent assignment (at least for spontaneous American English material)

Amplitude and duration appear to play a far more important role than f 0 Therefore, it is not unreasonable to assume that the stress accent patterns associated with words bear some tangible relation to lexical duration Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal: Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration In previous studies my colleagues and I have shown that f 0 -related cues play a relatively small role in stress accent assignment (at least for spontaneous American English material) Amplitude and duration appear to play a far more important role than f 0 Therefore, it is not unreasonable to assume that the stress accent patterns associated with words bear some tangible relation to lexical duration So Back to Stress Accent and Word Duration Stress accent is supposed to bear some systematic relation to three principal acoustic parameters of the speech signal:

Fundamental Frequency Amplitude Duration In previous studies my colleagues and I have shown that f 0 -related cues play a relatively small role in stress accent assignment (at least for spontaneous American English material) Amplitude and duration appear to play a far more important role than f 0 Therefore, it is not unreasonable to assume that the stress accent patterns associated with words bear some tangible relation to lexical duration So , lets find out! Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets first examine the durational properties of heavily accented words Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets first examine the durational properties of heavily accented words (these are words containing at least one heavily accented syllable) Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets first examine the durational properties of heavily accented words (these are words containing at least one heavily accented syllable)

The mean duration of this subset (36%) is 378 ms (s.d. = 168 ms) Heavily Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets first examine the durational properties of heavily accented words containing at least one heavily accented syllable) (these are words The mean duration of this subset (36%) is 378 ms (s.d. = 168 ms) Most of the heavily accented words are longer than 200 ms Heavily Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of the heavily accented words with those of their lightly accented counterparts (25% of the total) Heavily Accented

Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of the heavily accented words with those of their lightly accented counterparts (25% of the total) The mean duration of this subset is 255 ms (s.d. = 116 ms) Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of the heavily accented words with those of their lightly accented counterparts (25% of the total) The mean duration of this subset is 255 ms (s.d. = 116 ms) In many respects the durational properties of these two subsets are similar Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of unaccented words with that of their accented counterparts

Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of unaccented words with that of their accented counterparts The mean duration of the unaccented subset (39%) is 149 ms (s.d. = 78 ms) Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of unaccented words with that of their accented counterparts The mean duration of the unaccented subset (39%) is 149 ms (s.d. = 78 ms) The unaccented words are generally shorter than 200 ms Unaccented Heavily Accented

Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the duration of unaccented words with that of their accented counterparts The mean duration of the unaccented subset (39%) is 149 ms (s.d. = 78 ms) The unaccented words are generally shorter than 200 ms and constitute a very different distributional form than their accented counterparts Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the durational properties of ALL WORDS in the corpus with those pertaining to words of varying accent levels Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented

Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the durational properties of ALL WORDS in the corpus with those pertaining to words of varying accent levels When we do so, All Words Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the durational properties of ALL WORDS in the corpus with those pertaining to words of varying accent levels When we do so, we notice that the left-hand branch of the lexical distribution largely reflects unaccented words, All Words Unaccented Heavily Accented

Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Lets now compare the durational properties of ALL WORDS in the corpus with those pertaining to words of varying accent levels When we do so, we notice that the left-hand branch of the lexical distribution largely reflects unaccented words, while the right-hand branch reflects mostly accented words (with the peak reflecting both) All Words Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Therefore, it appears that the broad distribution of word duration (and, in turn, syllable duration) largely reflects the co-existence of accented and unaccented words within spontaneous speech All Words

Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Word Duration and Stress Accent Level Therefore, it appears that the broad distribution of word duration (and, in turn, syllable duration) largely reflects the co-existence of accented and unaccented words within spontaneous speech What are the implications of this insight? All Words Unaccented Heavily Accented Lightly Accented Breadth of the Modulation Spectrum The broad bandwidth of the modulation spectrum, therefore, appears to reflect the heterogeneity in syllabic and lexical duration associated with variation in stress accent level

Breadth of the Modulation Spectrum The broad bandwidth of the modulation spectrum, therefore, appears to reflect the heterogeneity in syllabic and lexical duration associated with variation in stress accent level All Accents (Convergnce) Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed across a 6-kHz bandwidth) Heavily Accented Unaccented Breadth of the Modulation Spectrum The broad bandwidth of the modulation spectrum, therefore, appears to reflect the heterogeneity in syllabic and lexical duration associated with variation in stress accent level Does this insight have implications for the lower tiers of spoken language?

All Accents (Convergnce) Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed across a 6-kHz bandwidth) Heavily Accented Unaccented Breadth of the Modulation Spectrum The broad bandwidth of the modulation spectrum, therefore, appears to reflect the heterogeneity in syllabic and lexical duration associated with variation in stress accent level Does this insight have implications for the lower tiers of spoken language? (e.g., the phonetic and phonological levels) All Accents (Convergnce) Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed

across a 6-kHz bandwidth) Heavily Accented Unaccented Breadth of the Modulation Spectrum The broad bandwidth of the modulation spectrum, therefore, appears to reflect the heterogeneity in syllabic and lexical duration associated with variation in stress accent level Does this insight have implications for the lower tiers of spoken language? (e.g., the phonetic and phonological levels) Lets find out! All Accents (Convergnce) Modulation spectrum of 40 TIMIT sentences (computed across a 6-kHz bandwidth) Heavily Accented

Unaccented INTERMEZZO Anatomy of the Syllable The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position

(as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns What is an onset? The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns What is a onset? What is a nucleus? The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure

In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns What is a onset? What is a nucleus? What is a coda? The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns What is a nucleus? What is a coda? What is a coda? The following slides provide a brief (and gentle) introduction to syllable structure Syllable and Phonetic Segment Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA J = JUNCTURE Syllable and Phonetic Segment Illustrated

Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) J = JUNCTURE Syllable and Phonetic Segment Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) J = JUNCTURE Syllable and Phonetic Segment Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) J = JUNCTURE Syllable and Phonetic Segment Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT)

Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (Nine) J = JUNCTURE Syllable and Phonetic Segment Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (Nine) Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (Two) J = JUNCTURE PART THREE Stress Accent and Syllable Position The Importance of Syllable Structure Before going into the details of durational variation at the segmental level we briefly examine some general patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent The Importance of Syllable Structure

Before going into the details of durational variation at the segmental level we briefly examine some general patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent These data serve to illustrate the sort of variation observed that is conditioned by position within the syllable Pronunciation Variation Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable All Segments Deletions CODA Territory Substitutions Insertions NUCLEUS Territory ONSET

Territory Pronunciation Variation Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Its also systematic when stress accent is taken into account All Segments Deletions CODA Territory Substitutions Insertions NUCLEUS Territory ONSET Territory Pronunciation Variation Syllable and Accent

Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Its also systematic when stress accent is taken into account BOTH syllable structure and accent level are required for a full accounting All Segments Deletions CODA Territory Substitutions Insertions NUCLEUS Territory ONSET Territory A Coarse Perspective on Pronunciation Variation (at the level of the syllable and stress accent) Analysis of Durational Properties of Speech

The following analyses are conditioned on stress accent level and (for the most part) syllable position Analysis of Durational Properties of Speech The following analyses are conditioned on stress accent level and (for the most part) syllable position We will begin with analyses illustrating the patterns associated with three levels of stress accent (heavy, light and none) to show the graded nature of the durational properties pertaining to syllable and segment duration Analysis of Durational Properties of Speech The following analyses are conditioned on stress accent level and (for the most part) syllable position We will begin with analyses illustrating the patterns associated with three levels of stress accent (heavy, light and none) to show the graded nature of the durational properties pertaining to syllable and segment duration However, for purposes of illustrative clarity, many of the slides will show only two levels of accent (heavy and none) in order to delineate the differences in duration associated with stress accent level Analysis of Durational Properties of Speech The following analyses are conditioned on stress accent level and (for the most part) syllable position We will begin with analyses illustrating the patterns associated with three

levels of stress accent (heavy, light and none) to show the graded nature of the durational properties pertaining to syllable and segment duration However, for purposes of illustrative clarity, many of the slides will show only two levels of accent (heavy and none) in order to delineate the differences in duration associated with stress accent level Under such conditions, the durational properties associated with light accent are generally intermediate between heavy accent and none Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms There is a broad range of syllable structures observed in spoken English Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms There is a broad range of syllable structures observed in spoken English Together, the V, VC, CV and CVC forms account for 85% of syllables Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms There is a broad range of syllable structures observed in spoken English Together, the V, VC, CV and CVC forms account for 85% of syllables The CVCC and CCVC forms account for another 10% Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms There is a broad range of syllable structures observed in spoken English Together, the V, VC, CV and CVC forms account for 85% of syllables The CVCC and CCVC forms account for another 10%

Together, the CV and CVC forms cover ca. 60% of the syllables Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms It is not surprising that syllable duration is largely a function of the number of segments within the syllable (as shown in the graph below) V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms It is not surprising that syllable duration is largely a function of the number of segments within the syllable (as shown in the graph below) Note the systematic lengthening of the syllable for each form as the accent level increases from none to light to heavy V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms It is not surprising that syllable duration is largely a function of the number

of segments within the syllable (as shown in the graph below) Note the systematic lengthening of the syllable for each form as the accent level increases from none to light to heavy This pattern is representative of accents impact on duration V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Across Syllable Forms It is not surprising that syllable duration is largely a function of the number of segments within the syllable (as shown in the graph below) Note the systematic lengthening of the syllable for each form as the accent level increases from none to light to heavy This pattern is representative of accents impact on duration (as well see) V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form This graph shows the same data as the previous slides, but from the

perspective of only two accent levels (heavy and none) V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form This graph shows the same data as the previous slides, but from the perspective of only two accent levels (heavy and none) The heavily accented syllables are generally 60-100% longer than their unaccented counterparts V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form This graph shows the same data as the previous slides, but from the perspective of only two accent levels (heavy and none) The heavily accented syllables are generally 60-100% longer than their unaccented counterparts The disparity in duration is most pronounced for syllable forms with one or no

consonants (i.e., V, VC, CV) V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form This graph shows the same data as the previous slides, but from the perspective of only two accent levels (heavy and none) The heavily accented syllables are generally 60-100% longer than their unaccented counterparts The disparity in duration is most pronounced for syllable forms with one or no consonants (i.e., V, VC, CV) This pattern implies that accent has the greatest impact on vocalic duration V = Vowel C = Consonant Canonical Syllable Forms Nucleus Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form The hypothesis delineated on the previous slide (that accent has the most profound impact on vocalic duration) is confirmed in the graph below

Canonical Syllable Forms Nucleus Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form The hypothesis delineated on the previous slide (that accent has the most profound impact on vocalic duration) is confirmed in the graph below The duration of vowels in accented syllables (of all forms) are at least twice as long as their unaccented counterparts Canonical Syllable Forms Nucleus Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form The hypothesis delineated on the previous slide (that accent has the most profound impact on vocalic duration) is confirmed in the graph below The duration of vowels in accented syllables (of all forms) are at least twice as long as their unaccented counterparts This pattern implies that the syllable nucleus absorbs a major component of accents impact (at least as far as duration is concerned) Canonical Syllable Forms PART FOUR Stress Accent and the Vocalic Nucleus

Stress Accents Impact on the Vocalic Nucleus Because the pattern of stress accents impact on vocalic duration is relatively uniform across syllable form it is likely that the structure of the syllable has relatively little impact on vocalic duration Stress Accents Impact on the Vocalic Nucleus Because the pattern of stress accents impact on vocalic duration is relatively uniform across syllable form it is likely that the structure of the syllable has relatively little impact on vocalic duration As a consequence, the remaining analyses pertaining to accents impact on vocalic duration collapse the data across syllable form Stress Accents Impact on the Vocalic Nucleus Because the pattern of stress accents impact on vocalic duration is relatively uniform across syllable form it is likely that the structure of the syllable has relatively little impact on vocalic duration As a consequence, the remaining analyses pertaining to accents impact on vocalic duration collapse the data across syllable form We now examine vocalic duration in somewhat greater detail and illustrate how duration, stress accent and vocalic identity interact Stress Accents Impact on the Vocalic Nucleus Because the pattern of stress accents impact on vocalic duration is relatively uniform across syllable form it is likely that the structure of the

syllable has relatively little impact on vocalic duration As a consequence, the remaining analyses pertaining to accents impact on vocalic duration collapse the data across syllable form We now examine vocalic duration in somewhat greater detail and illustrate how duration, stress accent and vocalic identity interact But first a brief primer on vocalic acoustics Stress Accents Impact on the Vocalic Nucleus Because the pattern of stress accents impact on vocalic duration is relatively uniform across syllable form it is likely that the structure of the syllable has relatively little impact on vocalic duration As a consequence, the remaining analyses pertaining to accents impact on vocalic duration collapse the data across syllable form We now examine vocalic duration in somewhat greater detail and illustrate how duration, stress accent and vocalic identity interact But first a brief primer on vocalic acoustics (which should facilitate digesting the material that follows) INTERMEZZO A Brief Primer on Vowel Acoustics A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics

Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties both related to the motion of the tongue A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1 A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance

The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1 In the classic vowel triangle, segments are positioned in terms of the tongue positions associated with their production, as follows: A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1 In the classic vowel triangle, segments are positioned in terms of the tongue positions associated with their production, as follows: The Spatial Patterning of Duration in Vocalic Nuclei Spatial Patterning of Duration Lets return to the vowel triangle and see if it can shed light on certain patterns in the vocalic data

Spatial Patterning of Duration Lets return to the vowel triangle and see if it can shed light on certain patterns in the vocalic data The duration will be plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis will always be in terms of hypothetical front-back tongue position Spatial Patterning of Duration Lets return to the vowel triangle and see if it can shed light on certain patterns in the vocalic data The duration will be plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis will always be in terms of hypothetical front-back tongue position (and hence remain a constant throughout the plots to follow) Spatial Patterning of Duration Lets return to the vowel triangle and see if it can shed light on certain patterns in the vocalic data The duration will be plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis will always be in terms of hypothetical front-back tongue position (and hence remain a constant throughout the plots to follow) The y-axis will serve as the dependent measure expressed in terms of duration or the proportion of fully stressed (or unstressed) nuclei Spatial Patterning of Duration Lets return to the vowel triangle and see if it can shed light on certain

patterns in the vocalic data The duration will be plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis will always be in terms of hypothetical front-back tongue position (and hence remain a constant throughout the plots to follow) The y-axis will serve as the dependent measure expressed in terms of duration or the proportion of fully stressed (or unstressed) nuclei Vocalic Duration and Vowel Height The spatial patterning of vocalic segments is systematic with respect to duration Vocalic Duration and Vowel Height The spatial patterning of vocalic segments is systematic with respect to duration Low vowels, be they diphthongs or monophthongs, are longer (on average) than high vowels Vocalic Duration and Vowel Height The spatial patterning of vocalic segments is systematic with respect to duration Low vowels, be they diphthongs or monophthongs, are longer (on average) than high vowels All nuclei

Diphthongs Monophthongs Vocalic Duration and Vowel Height The spatial patterning of vocalic segments is systematic with respect to duration Low vowels, be they diphthongs or monophthongs, are longer (on average) than high vowels Thus, duration appears to be highly correlated with vowel height All nuclei Diphthongs Monophthongs Vocalic Duration and Vowel Height The spatial patterning of vocalic segments is systematic with respect to duration Low vowels, be they diphthongs or monophthongs, are longer (on average) than high vowels Thus, duration appears to be highly correlated with vowel height

But the situation is a little more complicated than first appearances would suggest All nuclei Diphthongs Monophthongs Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed There is a large dynamic range in duration between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei Canonical Syllable Forms Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed There is a large dynamic range in duration between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei Moreover, diphthongs and tense, low monophthongs tend to exhibit a larger dynamic range than the lax monophthongs Canonical Syllable Forms Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed There is a large dynamic range in duration between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei Moreover, diphthongs and tense, low monophthongs tend to exhibit a larger dynamic range than the lax monophthongs

Lax monophthongs Canonical Syllable Forms Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed Nuclei The high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed Nuclei The high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are rarely unstressed Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed Nuclei The high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are rarely unstressed The high diphthongs and high/mid, tense monophthongs occupy an intermediate position Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei The high vowels are rarely fully stressed Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei The high vowels are rarely fully stressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed

Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei The high vowels are rarely fully stressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed An intermediate degree of stress accounts for the other vocalic instances Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei The high vowels are rarely fully stressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed An intermediate degree of stress accounts for the other vocalic instances (but will not be addressed here) Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What?

Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs

Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs Low Vowels are Rarely without Some Measure of Stress Accent Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs Low Vowels are Rarely without Some Measure of Stress Accent

This is true for monophthongs as well as diphthongs Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs Low Vowels are Rarely without Some Measure of Stress Accent This is true for monophthongs as well as diphthongs High Vowels are Fully Stressed Extremely Rarely Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs

Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs Low Vowels are Rarely without Some Measure of Stress Accent This is true for monophthongs as well as diphthongs High Vowels are Fully Stressed Extremely Rarely This is particularly so for monophthongs, but also applies to diphthongs Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs Low Vowels are Rarely without Some Measure of Stress Accent This is true for monophthongs as well as diphthongs High Vowels are Fully Stressed Extremely Rarely This is particularly so for monophthongs, but also applies to diphthongs

Thus, Stress Accent Appears to Be Intricately Involved with Vocalic Identity Is It Stress? Vocalic Identity? Or What? Duration Appears to Play An Important (but certainly not exclusive) Role in Stress Accent for Spontaneous American English Discourse For any given vocalic class, stressed segments are longer (on average) The durational disparity is most pronounced among the low vowels and the diphthongs Low Vowels Tend to be Much Longer in Duration than High Vowels This is the case even for diphthongs Low Vowels are Rarely without Some Measure of Stress Accent This is true for monophthongs as well as diphthongs High Vowels are Fully Stressed Extremely Rarely This is particularly so for monophthongs, but also applies to diphthongs Thus, Stress Accent Appears to Be Intricately Involved with Vocalic Identity (as illustrated on the next several slides) The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent) There is a relatively even distribution of segments across the vowel space,

with a slight bias towards the front and central vowels Canonical Vowels Only The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent In unaccented syllables vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space Canonical Vowels Only The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent In unaccented syllables vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space The low and mid vowels get creamed Canonical Vowels Only The Vowel Spaces Compared Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space Heavily Accented Canonical Vowels Only Unaccented The Vowel Spaces Compared

Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Heavily Accented Canonical Vowels Only Unaccented The Vowel Spaces Compared Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms Heavily Accented Canonical Vowels Only Unaccented The Vowel Spaces Compared Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms

This distinction between accented and unaccented syllables is of profound importance for understanding (and modeling) pronunciation variation Heavily Accented Canonical Vowels Only Unaccented PART FIVE Stress Accents Impact on Syllable Onsets Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to lexical access Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to lexical access It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onsets duration behaves as a function of accent level Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to lexical access

It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onsets duration behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onsets key role in lexical access one might assume that its duration would be relatively stable across accent level Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to lexical access It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onsets duration behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onsets key role in lexical access one might assume that its duration would be relatively stable across accent level The following slides suggest that this assumption is incorrect Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to lexical access It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onsets duration behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onsets key role in lexical access one might assume that its duration would be relatively stable across accent level The following slides suggest that this assumption is incorrect, And that the structure of the onset is more complex (and more interesting) than initial intuition would suggest

Onset Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form The duration of the syllable onset varies significantly as a function of accent level (though not quite as much as in vocalic constituents) Canonical Syllable Forms Onset Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form The duration of the syllable onset varies significantly as a function of accent level (though not quite as much as in vocalic constituents) Onset duration is similar across syllable form (except that segments comprising complex onsets [i.e., CCVC] are slightly shorter Canonical Syllable Forms Onset Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form The duration of the syllable onset varies significantly as a function of accent level (though not quite as much as in vocalic constituents) Onset duration is similar across syllable form (except that segments comprising complex onsets [i.e., CCVC] are slightly shorter The duration of unaccented onsets is similar across syllable forms Canonical Syllable Forms

Onset Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form Onsets of accented syllables are generally 50-60% longer than their unaccented counterparts Canonical Syllable Forms Onset Duration - Accent Level/Syllable Form Onsets of accented syllables are generally 50-60% longer than their unaccented counterparts Although this durational difference is not quite as large as observed for vocalic nuclei, it is still substantial (and mostly consistent across forms) Canonical Syllable Forms Onset Duration and Place of Articulation It is of interest to examine accents impact on duration of onset (and coda) constituents in somewhat greater detail Onset Duration and Place of Articulation It is of interest to examine accents impact on duration of onset (and coda) constituents in somewhat greater detail A convenient means to do so is to partition the data with respect to place of maximum articulatory constriction in order to highlight certain patterns

Onset Duration and Place of Articulation It is of interest to examine accents impact on duration of onset (and coda) constituents in somewhat greater detail A convenient means to do so is to partition the data with respect to place of maximum articulatory constriction in order to highlight certain patterns What is place of articulation? Onset Duration and Place of Articulation It is of interest to examine accents impact on duration of onset (and coda) constituents in somewhat greater detail A convenient means to do so is to partition the data with respect to place of maximum articulatory constriction in order to highlight certain patterns What is place of articulation? Lets find out! Place of Articulation A Brief Primer The tongue contacts (or nearly so) the roof of the mouth in producing many of the consonantal sounds in English Anterior Labial Labio-dental Inter-dental

[p] [b] [m] [f] [v] [th] [dh] Central Alveolar [t] [d] [n] [s] [z] Posterior Palatal Velar [sh] [zh] [k] [g] [ng] Chameleon Rhoticized Lateral Approximant [r] [l] [hh]

From Daniloff (1973) Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place First, we will examine the anterior consonants, followed by the central and posterior onsets Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place First, we will examine the anterior consonants, followed by the central and posterior onsets Finally, we will examine those segments whose place of articulation assimilates to that of the following vocalic segment (place chameleons) Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place

First, we will examine the anterior consonants, followed by the central and posterior onsets Finally, we will examine those segments whose place of articulation assimilates to that of the following vocalic segment (place chameleons) Although the heavily accented onsets are generally 50-60% longer than their unaccented counterparts Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place First, we will examine the anterior consonants, followed by the central and posterior onsets Finally, we will examine those segments whose place of articulation assimilates to that of the following vocalic segment (place chameleons) Although the heavily accented onsets are generally 50-60% longer than their unaccented counterparts There is a large disparity in the durational differences due to accent level Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place First, we will examine the anterior consonants, followed by the central and posterior onsets Finally, we will examine those segments whose place of articulation assimilates to

that of the following vocalic segment (place chameleons) Although the heavily accented onsets are generally 50-60% longer than their unaccented counterparts There is a large disparity in the durational differences due to accent level We will now examine the specific durational patterns as a function of articulatory place ... Onset Duration and Place of Articulation We will examine accents impact on the duration of onset (and coda) constituents on the basis of articulatory place First, we will examine the anterior consonants, followed by the central and posterior onsets Finally, we will examine those segments whose place of articulation assimilates to that of the following vocalic segment (place chameleons) Although the heavily accented onsets are generally 50-60% longer than their unaccented counterparts There is a large disparity in the durational differences due to accent level We will now examine the specific durational patterns as a function of articulatory place ... The patterns are revealing Syllable Onset Duration - ANTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([p] and [f]) are longer than the other segments Canonical Syllable Forms

Syllable Onset Duration - ANTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([p] and [f]) are longer than the other segments The largest durational disparity (as a function of accent level) is exhibited in the glide [y] Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - ANTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([p] and [f]) are longer than the other segments The largest durational disparity (as a function of accent level) is exhibited in the glide [y] The smallest durational disparity is manifest in the voiced fricative [dh] Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - ANTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([p] and [f]) are longer than the other segments The largest durational disparity (as a function of accent level) is exhibited in the glide [y] The smallest durational disparity is manifest in the voiced fricative [dh] The other segments exhibit intermediate patterns Canonical Syllable Forms

Segmental Identity and Stress Accent It is of interest to compare accents impact on segmental duration with its impact on segmental realization (i.e., whether the segment is realized canonically or not ) Segmental Identity and Stress Accent It is of interest to compare accents impact on segmental duration with its impact on segmental realization (i.e., whether the segment is realized canonically or not ) Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions Segmental Identity and Stress Accent It is of interest to compare accents impact on segmental duration with its impact on segmental realization (i.e., whether the segment is realized canonically or not ) Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions The pattern of segmental realization bears some correspondence to durational variation as a function of accent level Segmental Identity and Stress Accent It is of interest to compare accents impact on segmental duration with its impact on segmental realization (i.e., whether the segment is realized canonically or not )

Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions The pattern of segmental realization bears some correspondence to durational variation as a function of accent level But also exhibits some interesting differences Segmental Identity and Stress Accent It is of interest to compare accents impact on segmental duration with its impact on segmental realization (i.e., whether the segment is realized canonically or not ) Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions The pattern of segmental realization bears some correspondence to durational variation as a function of accent level But also exhibits some interesting differences (which are potentially significant for models of phonetic organization) Segmental Identity and Stress Accent It is of interest to compare accents impact on segmental duration with its impact on segmental realization (i.e., whether the segment is realized canonically or not ) Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions The pattern of segmental realization bears some correspondence to durational variation as a function of accent level But also exhibits some interesting differences (which are potentially significant for models of phonetic organization)

Before we examine the segmental patterns in detail, a brief primer on the interpretation of these data is presented Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can

Total Trans Can Trans p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450

452 b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542 m 137

137 211 211 116 110 464 458 f 136 136 104 104

113 103 353 343 v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201

184 th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187 dh 95

80 311 257 625 451 1031 788 y 63 72 135 136

193 145 391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is the canonical form Accent Segment Heavy Can Light

Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans p 203 205

153 153 94 94 450 452 b 126 127 227 225 214

190 567 542 m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458

f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343 v 35 33

58 58 108 93 201 184 th 62 61 102 100 28

26 192 187 dh 95 80 311 257 625 451 1031 788

y 63 72 135 136 193 145 391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns

Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is the canonical form A large disparity between columns is marked with a blue box Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans

Can Trans p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452 b

126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542 m 137 137 211

211 116 110 464 458 f 136 136 104 104 113 103

353 343 v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184 th

62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187 dh 95 80 311

257 625 451 1031 788 y 63 72 135 136 193 145

391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is the canonical form A large disparity between columns is marked with a blue box READY? Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans

Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans p 203 205 153

153 94 94 450 452 b 126 127 227 225 214 190

567 542 m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458 f

136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343 v 35 33 58

58 108 93 201 184 th 62 61 102 100 28 26

192 187 dh 95 80 311 257 625 451 1031 788 y

63 72 135 136 193 145 391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is the canonical form A large disparity between columns is marked with a blue box

READY? OK, Lets go! Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can

Trans p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452 b 126

127 227 225 214 190 567 542 m 137 137 211 211

116 110 464 458 f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353

343 v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184 th 62

61 102 100 28 26 192 187 dh 95 80 311 257

625 451 1031 788 y 63 72 135 136 193 145 391

353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics ANTERIOR Place Stress accent exerts relatively little affect on anterior onset segments Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans

Can Total Trans Can Trans p 203 205 153 153 94 94

450 452 b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542 m

137 137 211 211 116 110 464 458 f 136 136 104

104 113 103 353 343 v 35 33 58 58 108 93

201 184 th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187 dh

95 80 311 257 625 451 1031 788 y 63 72 135

136 193 145 391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics ANTERIOR Place Stress accent exerts relatively little affect on anterior onset segments EXCEPT for [dh] and [y] Accent Segment Heavy Can

Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans p 203

205 153 153 94 94 450 452 b 126 127 227 225

214 190 567 542 m 137 137 211 211 116 110 464

458 f 136 136 104 104 113 103 353 343 v 35

33 58 58 108 93 201 184 th 62 61 102 100

28 26 192 187 dh 95 80 311 257 625 451 1031

788 y 63 72 135 136 193 145 391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics ANTERIOR Place

Stress accent exerts relatively little affect on anterior onset segments EXCEPT for [dh] and [y] [dh] (as in the and them) tends to delete in unaccented syllables, as does [y] (although to a lesser extent) Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total

Trans Can Trans p 203 205 153 153 94 94 450 452

b 126 127 227 225 214 190 567 542 m 137 137

211 211 116 110 464 458 f 136 136 104 104 113

103 353 343 v 35 33 58 58 108 93 201 184

th 62 61 102 100 28 26 192 187 dh 95 80

311 257 625 451 1031 788 y 63 72 135 136 193

145 391 353 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Duration - CENTRAL Place The voiceless consonants ([t] and [s]) are longer than the other segments Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - CENTRAL Place The voiceless consonants ([t] and [s]) are longer than the other segments The alveolar flap [dx] and nasal flap [nx] are the shortest segments and dont exhibit a durational disparity as a function of accent level Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Statistics CENTRAL Place Central segments tend to disappear under (absence of) stress (accent)

Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can

Trans t 241 245 276 230 513 276 1030 751 d 141

143 149 134 173 128 463 405 0 3 0 62 0

179 0 244 133 135 237 196 194 130 564 461 0

2 0 40 0 73 0 115 s 289 290 284 287

187 186 760 763 z 14 13 16 16 43 45 73

74 dx n nx Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics CENTRAL Place Central segments tend to disappear under (absence) of stress (accent) There is also a tendency for flaps ([dx] and [dx]) to insert under similar conditions Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans

Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans t 241 245 276

230 513 276 1030 751 d 141 143 149 134 173 128

463 405 0 3 0 62 0 179 0 244 133 135

237 196 194 130 564 461 0 2 0 40 0 73

0 115 s 289 290 284 287 187 186 760 763 z

14 13 16 16 43 45 73 74 dx n nx Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics CENTRAL Place

Central segments tend to disappear under (absence) of stress (accent) There is also a tendency for flaps ([dx] and [dx]) to insert under similar conditions In heavily accented syllables, central segments maintain their canonical identity Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total

Trans Can Trans t 241 245 276 230 513 276 1030 751

d 141 143 149 134 173 128 463 405 0 3 0

62 0 179 0 244 133 135 237 196 194 130 564

461 0 2 0 40 0 73 0 115 s 289 290

284 287 187 186 760 763 z 14 13 16 16 43

45 73 74 dx n nx Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Duration - POSTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([k], [sh], [ch]) are longer than the other segments CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - POSTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([k], [sh], [ch]) are longer than the other segments Most of the segments exhibit a durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms

CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - POSTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([k], [sh], [ch]) are longer than the other segments Most of the segments exhibit a durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms The duration of the voiced segments in unaccented syllables is ca. 50-60 ms CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - POSTERIOR Place The voiceless consonants ([k], [sh], [ch]) are longer than the other segments Most of the segments exhibit a durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms The duration of the voiced segments in unaccented syllables is ca. 50-60 ms The glide [w] exhibits a significant disparity between accented and unaccented forms CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Statistics Posterior Place Posterior segments are remarkably stable in onset position Accent Segment

Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans

k 185 186 189 187 170 168 544 541 g 115 116

138 137 54 51 307 304 ng 0 0 2 3 1

1 3 4 sh 26 26 40 40 73 80 139 146

zh 0 1 2 9 11 17 13 27 ch 32 34

19 27 22 23 73 84 jh 31 30 52 43 58

48 141 121 w 201 209 310 330 276 287 787 826

q 0 33 0 64 0 38 0 135 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics Posterior Place Posterior segments are remarkably stable in onset position The only significant deviation from canonical representation is the

intrusion of the glottal stop [q], which lacks phonemic status in English Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can

Trans k 185 186 189 187 170 168 544 541 g 115

116 138 137 54 51 307 304 ng 0 0 2 3

1 1 3 4 sh 26 26 40 40 73 80 139

146 zh 0 1 2 9 11 17 13 27 ch 32

34 19 27 22 23 73 84 jh 31 30 52 43

58 48 141 121 w 201 209 310 330 276 287 787

826 q 0 33 0 64 0 38 0 135 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)

Syllable Onset Duration - Place Chameleons Place chameleon segments exhibit a consistent durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Duration - Place Chameleons Place chameleon segments exhibit a consistent durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms In unaccented syllables the duration of these segments is ca. 50-60 ms CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Onset Statistics Place Chameleons Chameleons assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel Accent Segment Heavy Can Light

Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans r 272 269

233 215 233 162 738 646 l 184 180 226 212 220

162 630 554 hh 158 156 169 157 67 37 394 350

er 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 lg 0 2

0 8 0 21 0 31 el 0 1 0 0 0

0 0 1 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics Place Chameleons Chameleons assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel They are relatively stable at syllable onset, except in unaccented forms Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can

None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans r 272 269 233 215

233 162 738 646 l 184 180 226 212 220 162 630

554 hh 158 156 169 157 67 37 394 350 er 0

0 0 2 0 0 0 2 lg 0 2 0 8

0 21 0 31 el 0 1 0 0 0 0 0

1 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Onset Statistics Place Chameleons Chameleons assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel They are relatively stable at syllable onset, except in unaccented forms The reduced form of [l] is [lg], a glide-like element it tends to assume the functional status of [l] in unaccented syllables Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None

Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans r 272 269 233 215 233

162 738 646 l 184 180 226 212 220 162 630 554

hh 158 156 169 157 67 37 394 350 er 0 0

0 2 0 0 0 2 lg 0 2 0 8 0

21 0 31 el 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Onsets The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as junctures, rather than as segments) Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Onsets The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as junctures, rather than as segments) The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON onsets are often non-canonical (and also often function as junctures) Place of Articulation Approximants

C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables PART SIX Stress Accents Impact on Syllable Codas Stress Accent and Syllable Codas Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets Stress Accent and Syllable Codas Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets The disparity in duration between accented and unaccented forms tends to be significantly less for codas than for onsets (at least when deletions are NOT taken into account) Stress Accent and Syllable Codas Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets The disparity in duration between accented and unaccented forms tends to be significantly less for codas than for onsets (at least when deletions are NOT taken into account) There is a far greater probability of segmental deletion in coda constituents Stress Accent and Syllable Codas Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets

The disparity in duration between accented and unaccented forms tends to be significantly less for codas than for onsets (at least when deletions are NOT taken into account) There is a far greater probability of segmental deletion in coda constituents Accent level exerts a powerful influence on segmental deletion and on segmental duration Stress Accent and Syllable Codas Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets The disparity in duration between accented and unaccented forms tends to be significantly less for codas than for onsets (at least when deletions are NOT taken into account) There is a far greater probability of segmental deletion in coda constituents Accent level exerts a powerful influence on segmental deletion and on segmental duration To a certain degree segmental deletion and duration interact (or are flip sides of the same phonetic coin) Stress Accent and Syllable Codas Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets The disparity in duration between accented and unaccented forms tends to be significantly less for codas than for onsets (at least when deletions are NOT taken into account) There is a far greater probability of segmental deletion in coda constituents

Accent level exerts a powerful influence on segmental deletion and on segmental duration To a certain degree segmental deletion and duration interact (or are flip sides of the same phonetic coin) (for this reason the durational properties of ALL syllables, including those in which coda segments are deleted, are also shown) Syllable Coda Duration - ANTERIOR Place The durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms is smaller for codas and for onsets CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - ANTERIOR Place The durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms is smaller for codas and for onsets Certain segments exhibit little if any difference in duration as a function of accent (e.g., [b], [m], [v]) CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - ANTERIOR Place The durational disparity between accented and unaccented forms is smaller for codas and for onsets

Certain segments exhibit little if any difference in duration as a function of accent (e.g., [b], [m], [v]) Such segments manifest certain properties of flaps CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - ANTERIOR Place Because of the significant number of deletions in coda constituents, particularly in unaccented syllables, the durational disparity between accented and unaccented syllables is preserved when duration is computed across ALL syllable forms (including those with deletions) ALLSyllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - ANTERIOR Place Because of the significant number of deletions in coda constituents, particularly in unaccented syllables, the durational disparity between accented and unaccented syllables is preserved when duration is computed across ALL syllable forms (including those with deletions) Those segments exhibiting flap-like properties (e.g., [b], [m], [v]) tend to delete the most in unaccented codas ALLSyllable Forms

Syllable Coda Statistics Anterior Place Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans

Can Trans p 33 32 39 32 17 13 89 77 b

9 6 4 4 1 1 14 11 m 108 96 148

148 112 83 368 327 f 37 36 40 40 36 48

113 124 v 63 55 102 87 172 94 337 236 th

11 10 24 16 34 20 69 46 dh 0 0 0

4 0 5 0 9 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Anterior Place Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions Accent Segment Heavy Can

Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans p 33

32 39 32 17 13 89 77 b 9 6 4 4

1 1 14 11 m 108 96 148 148 112 83 368

327 f 37 36 40 40 36 48 113 124 v 63

55 102 87 172 94 337 236 th 11 10 24 16

34 20 69 46 dh 0 0 0 4 0 5 0

9 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Anterior Place Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions they often function as flaps in this context, and Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None

Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans p 33 32 39 32 17

13 89 77 b 9 6 4 4 1 1 14 11

m 108 96 148 148 112 83 368 327 f 37 36

40 40 36 48 113 124 v 63 55 102 87 172

94 337 236 th 11 10 24 16 34 20 69 46

dh 0 0 0 4 0 5 0 9 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Anterior Place Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions they often function as flaps in

this context, and They tend to delete in unaccented syllables Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can Total Trans

Can Trans p 33 32 39 32 17 13 89 77 b

9 6 4 4 1 1 14 11 m 108 96 148

148 112 83 368 327 f 37 36 40 40 36 48

113 124 v 63 55 102 87 172 94 337 236 th

11 10 24 16 34 20 69 46 dh 0 0 0

4 0 5 0 9 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Duration - CENTRAL Place The centrally articulated codas exhibit a high probability of deletion, particularly in unaccented syllables (see durational data for ALL syllables) CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - CENTRAL Place The centrally articulated codas exhibit a high probability of deletion, particularly in unaccented syllables (see durational data for ALL syllables) The duration of many of the coda segments do not exhibit a difference in duration (when computed for the canonical syllable forms)

CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - CENTRAL Place The centrally articulated codas exhibit a high probability of deletion, particularly in unaccented syllables (see durational data for ALL syllables) The duration of many of the coda segments do not exhibit a difference in duration (when computed for the canonical syllable forms) Most of the unaccented codas are short in duration CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - CENTRAL Place Because of the high probability of deletions for central coda consonants the mean durations are quite low relative to other conditions ALL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - CENTRAL Place Because of the high probability of deletions for central coda consonants the mean durations are quite low relative to other conditions In some sense the default duration for central codas is very short (more on this point later on in the presentation)

ALL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Statistics Central Place Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent) Accent Segment Heavy Can Trans Light Can Trans None Can Total Trans

Can Trans t 322 126 575 191 562 172 1459 489 d

200 119 295 127 370 96 865 342 n 311 237 498

381 773 542 1582 1160 s 142 135 202 214 151 155

495 504 z 179 149 258 208 271 221 708 578 Can = Canonical form

Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Central Place Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent) (except for the fricatives [s] and [z]) Accent Segment Heavy Can Trans Light Can Trans None Can Total

Trans Can Trans t 322 126 575 191 562 172 1459 489

d 200 119 295 127 370 96 865 342 n 311 237

498 381 773 542 1582 1160 s 142 135 202 214 151

155 495 504 z 179 149 258 208 271 221 708 578

Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Central Place Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent) (except for the fricatives [s] and [z]) The segments [t], [d] and [n] tend to delete in coda position, even in heavily accented syllables Accent Segment Heavy Can Trans Light Can Trans None Can

Total Trans Can Trans t 322 126 575 191 562 172 1459

489 d 200 119 295 127 370 96 865 342 n 311

237 498 381 773 542 1582 1160 s 142 135 202 214

151 155 495 504 z 179 149 258 208 271 221 708

578 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Central Place Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent) (except for the fricatives [s] and [z]) The segments [t], [d] and [n] tend to delete in coda position, even in heavily accented syllables The major effect of stress accent is its affect on the probability of segmental deletion (which is appreciably higher in unaccented forms) Accent Segment Heavy Can Trans Light Can

Trans None Can Total Trans Can Trans t 322 126 575 191 562

172 1459 489 d 200 119 295 127 370 96 865 342

n 311 237 498 381 773 542 1582 1160 s 142 135

202 214 151 155 495 504 z 179 149 258 208 271

221 708 578 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Duration - POSTERIOR Place Many coda consonants are short in duration CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - POSTERIOR Place Many coda consonants are short in duration Most segments exhibit relatively little sensitivity to accent level CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - POSTERIOR Place There are relatively few deletions in coda segments, hence the durational patterns are similar for ALL syllable forms relative to the canonical

syllable forms ALL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Statistics Posterior Place Posterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None Trans Can

Total Trans Can Trans k 170 150 196 162 51 39 417

351 g 10 10 8 10 4 5 22 25 q 0

42 0 71 0 54 0 167 ng 63 60 139 126

203 129 405 315 sh 9 9 2 2 4 6 15

17 zh 1 0 0 4 0 2 1 6 ch 26

25 27 25 12 12 65 62 jh 10 10 11 10

15 12 36 32 w 0 4 0 2 0 6 0

12 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Posterior Place Posterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The primary exception is [ng], which tends to delete in unaccented syllables Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can None

Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans k 170 150 196 162 51

39 417 351 g 10 10 8 10 4 5 22 25

q 0 42 0 71 0 54 0 167 ng 63 60

139 126 203 129 405 315 sh 9 9 2 2 4

6 15 17 zh 1 0 0 4 0 2 1 6

ch 26 25 27 25 12 12 65 62 jh 10 10

11 10 15 12 36 32 w 0 4 0 2 0

6 0 12 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics POSTERIOR Place Posterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The primary exception is [ng], which tends to delete in unaccented syllables The infamous glottal stop [q] tends to insert in this context Accent Segment Heavy Can Light Trans Can

None Trans Can Total Trans Can Trans k 170 150 196 162

51 39 417 351 g 10 10 8 10 4 5 22

25 q 0 42 0 71 0 54 0 167 ng 63

60 139 126 203 129 405 315 sh 9 9 2 2

4 6 15 17 zh 1 0 0 4 0 2 1

6 ch 26 25 27 25 12 12 65 62 jh 10

10 11 10 15 12 36 32 w 0 4 0 2

0 6 0 12 Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Duration - Place Chameleons There is a large durational disparity between the accented and unaccented chameleon segments CANONICAL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - Place Chameleons There is a large durational disparity between the accented and unaccented chameleon segments In unaccented syllables the duration of these segments is ca. 60 ms CANONICAL Syllable Forms

Syllable Coda Duration - Place Chameleons There are a lot of deletions of coda chameleons in unaccented syllables ALL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Duration - Place Chameleons There are a lot of deletions of coda chameleons in unaccented syllables Hence the mean duration of these segments in unaccented forms is short ALL Syllable Forms Syllable Coda Statistics Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms Can = Canonical form

Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms The segment [r] tends to delete in unaccented syllables, but not otherwise Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as junctures, rather than segments) Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized

(the exceptions typically function as junctures, rather than segments) The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON segments are often non-canonical (and also often function as junctures) Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables PART SEVEN Onset and Coda Patterns Compared Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas

Onsets tend to be more stable than codas The centrally articulated segments are highly unstable in both contexts Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas The centrally articulated segments are highly unstable in both contexts As are the place chameleons Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas The centrally articulated segments are highly unstable in both contexts

As are the place chameleons The unstable anterior and posterior phones are mostly junctures Place of Articulation Approximants C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables PART EIGHT A Preliminary Juncture-Accent Model Road Map to the Juncture-Accent Model A means of visualizing important properties of the acoustic signal Road Map to the Juncture-Accent Model A means of visualizing important properties of the acoustic signal The juncture-accent representation is based on log, critical-band energy across time and frequency Road Map to the Juncture-Accent Model A means of visualizing important properties of the acoustic signal The juncture-accent representation is based on log, critical-band energy across time and frequency Although it is not intended as an auditory representation, it does represent

spectro-temporal properties of the signal in a manner consistent with auditory principles Road Map to the Juncture-Accent Model A means of visualizing important properties of the acoustic signal The juncture-accent representation is based on log, critical-band energy across time and frequency Although it is not intended as an auditory representation, it does represent spectrotemporal properties of the signal in a manner consistent with auditory principles Lets take a look at some illustrations Spectro-Temporal Profiles or STePs Anatomy of a Spectro-Temporal Profile Full-spectrum perspective Seven [s] [eh] [vx] [en] accented syllable juncture unaccented syllable

[eh] [en] [s] [vx] OGI Numbers95 mean duration Anatomy of a Spectro-Temporal Profile High-frequency perspective Seven [s] [eh] [vx] [en] juncture accented syllable unaccented

syllable [s] [eh] [en] [vx] OGI Numbers95 mean duration Anatomy of a Spectro-Temporal Profile Full-spectrum perspective Zero [z] [ih] [r] [ah] accented syllable

juncture unaccented syllable [r] [ax] [ih] [z] OGI Numbers95 mean duration Spectro-Temporal Profile High-frequency perspective Zero [z] [ih] [r] [ah]

unaccented syllable juncture accented syllable [ax] [z] [r] OGI Numbers95 [ih] mean duration Spectro-Temporal Profile Full-spectrum perspective Three

[th] [r] [iy] [r] accented syllable [iy] [th] OGI Numbers95 mean duration Spectro-Temporal Profile High-frequency perspective Three [th] [r] [iy] accented

syllable [iy] [r] [th] OGI Numbers95 mean duration Summary and Conclusions (at last!) Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels

Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus But also affects the duration of the syllable onset Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus But also affects the duration of the syllable onset The duration of the syllable coda is less affected by stress accent, however ...

Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus But also affects the duration of the syllable onset The duration of the syllable coda is less affected by stress accent, however ... Coda constituents are more prone to deletion as a function of stress accent Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus But also affects the duration of the syllable onset The duration of the syllable coda is less affected by stress accent, however ... Coda constituents are more prone to deletion as a function of stress accent Thus, stress accent has an (indirect) impact on duration even for codas (via segmental deletion) Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous

American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus But also affects the duration of the syllable onset The duration of the syllable coda is less affected by stress accent, however ... Coda constituents are more prone to deletion as a function of stress accent Thus, stress accent has an (indirect) impact on duration even for codas (via segmental deletion) These data are inconsistent with a segmental model of spoken language Summary and Conclusions Based on a detailed analysis of a manually annotated corpus of spontaneous American English (Switchboard) the following conclusions are drawn: Stress accent is the primary linguistic property associated with duration at the segmental, syllabic and lexical levels Stress accents impact on duration is most pronounced in the vocalic nucleus But also affects the duration of the syllable onset The duration of the syllable coda is less affected by stress accent, however ... Coda constituents are more prone to deletion as a function of stress accent Thus, stress accent has an (indirect) impact on duration even for codas (via segmental deletion) These data are inconsistent with a segmental model of spoken language But is consistent with a JUNCTURE-ACCENT model based on syllable forms

of variable accent level Thats All, Folks Many Thanks for Your Time and Attention Whats Going on in Pronunciation? Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior

The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels are divisible into two main groups accented and unaccented Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels are divisible into two main groups accented and unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels are divisible into two main groups accented and unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior

The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels are divisible into two main groups accented and unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels are divisible into two main groups accented and unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop Many so-called segments are actually junctures (as they are flaps), the most noteworthy examples are [dh] and [v] Whats Going On? (in pronunciation) With respect to onset and coda segments (i.e. consonants) there are two basic forms (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e. stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position

The vowels are divisible into two main groups accented and unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop Many so-called segments are actually junctures (as they are flaps), the most noteworthy examples are [dh] and [v] None of these properties is consistent with a segmental model of language Syllable Duration and Number of Segments For syllables greater than a single segment there is relatively little difference in duration as the number of segments (within a syllable) increases Canonical Syllable Forms Syllable Duration and Number of Segments For syllables greater than a single segment there is relatively little difference in duration as the number of segments (within a syllable) increases Suggesting that syllable duration is largely controlled by processes independent of segmental production Canonical Syllable Forms

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