One's death, another's bread: did case loss enable the functional expansion of the English absolute construction? Nikki van de Pol KU Leuven FWO - Flanders Structure of the talk Theoretical background The absolute construction Ruppels investigation of case loss influence on the Latin, Greek and Sanskrit AC Data Methodology Research questions Data Methodology The development of AC semantics and augmentation

Conclusion References Theoretical background The Absolute Construction (AC) (1) Nam mox redeuntibus domum nuntiis, exercitum ... colligit copiosum, (Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica, 2.12) For soon while the ambassadors were returning home, he raised a mighty army... (2) KKrroV nbh p t rh oddenV kwlontoV (Xenophon, Anab. 1.2.22: Holland 1986: 163) Cyrus went up over the mountains with no one hindering him. (3) as solice e he encende a cuom heno engel drihtnes in slepe tdeaude him cue But after he had considered this, an angel of the Lord appeared to him in a dream and said,

non-finite construction typically in oblique case predicate + (pro)nominal subject wide range of (typically adverbial) semantic relations Ruppel 2013 Indo-European AC Sanskrit AC Latin AC Greek AC The Indo-European AC (Ruppel 2013) Indo-European probably had a locative AC, since this is the case most typically used to express time at which in PIE. The use of the AC was very specific and semantically limited to the expression of natural time.

= points in or units of time that mark the regular passing of the seasons, of the years, of the interchange between night and day. (Ruppel 2013: 207-208) e.g. When the moon was rising. Ruppel 2013 Indo-European AC Sanskrit AC Latin AC Greek AC PIE Sanskrit AC (Ruppel 2013) Indo-European Locative Instrumental Ablative

All Indo-European cases are Locative Instrumental Sanskrit Ablative retained The locative AC from PIE remains a locative AC The locative case semantically restricts the possible AC uses As a result, the ACs function remains limited to the expression of natural time

(4) yt ady srye udyat rye udyat pryakatr tm dadh (Ruppel 2013: 127) When you, beloved rulers, appoint the rite at sunrise today Ruppel 2013 Indo-European AC Sanskrit AC Latin AC Greek AC PIE Latin AC (Ruppel 2013) Indo-European Locative Ablative Ablative Latin

Instrumental The PIE locative, ablative and instrumental merged together This enables the Latin AC to express functions typical of the PIE ablative and instrumental case, which it previously could not express. It also made the development of AdjP predicate and NP predicate ACs (of partly locatival, partly instrumental origin) possible (5) Id [oppidum]paucis dependentibus expugnare non potuit.(Ruppel 2013: 84) He was not able to take it [the town] by storm, even though there were few men to defend it. (6) Profecto in aedis meas me absente neminem volo intro mitti. (Ruppel 2013: 84) In short, I dont want anybody to be let into my house in my absence.

(7) Non sino, neque equidem illum me vivo corrumpi sinam. (Ruppel 2013: 85) No, I wont, and I wont let him be corrupted while Im alive. Ruppel 2013 Indo-European AC Sanskrit AC Latin AC Greek AC PIE Greek AC (Ruppel 2013) Indo-European Locative Instrumental Dative Genitive

Blurred boundary because of shared temporal use Dative Ablative Geniive Greek In Greek, dativeisand Since

theboth genitive a genitive had temporal grammatical case, rather uses from the(as than ainherited semantic case locative, which makes are locative, instrumental them both capable of and ablative),

the Greek expressing standard AC was lessthe semantically AC semantics restricted and could develop furtherofuses Other features the which were dative wouldpreviously make a impossible dative AC difficult to distinguish from other

uses of the dative (e.g. the ethic dative for the sake of) Switch to the genitive case (8) V KjaJ, Ko Kd Kcrhsan KknmideV Kcaio Kmnin KpeipntoV KmegaJmou K PhlewnoV. So he spoke, and the well-greaved Achaeans rejoiced since the great-hearted son of Peleus had sworn off his wrath. (Ruppel 2013: 48) Data Methodology Research Questions Present-day English ACs have a function not present in the Early Indo European daughter languages: elaboration uses Elaboration uses are not strictly adverbial in nature and simply add additional information to an NP or to an entire clause Instead of always being subordinate in nature, some elaboration ACs are of a quasi-coordinate nature, i.e. replacable by an and + finite verb

paraphrase (9) For many of you, school was 12 or more years of teachers and administrators deciding what was best for you, dictating exactly how you spent every minute of every day -- the result being that you absolutely hated each and every one of those minutes. ( http://www.cracked.com/article_20321_5-things-it-turns-out-you-were-right-to-hate-about-school.html#ixzz2vyp83RE4, access 14-03-2014) = AND the result was that. (10) If you're wondering why you don't see more newborns cosplaying as Batman villains, it's because the disorder is completely benign, with the blisters and freckles fading altogether within three to 12 weeks. ( http://www.cracked.com/article_20646_6-horrifying-things-that-happen-before-you-leave-womb_p2.html#ixzz2tCODAL DD , access 13-02-2014) = AND the blisters and freckles fade . Research Questions Ruppel has shown that the merger of cases, and thus the broadening of possible uses of a single case form, enabled the expansion of AC use in Latin and Greek

perhaps the loss of the English case system may have enabled/been a prerequisite for the formation of these previously unavailable quasi-coordinate AC uses. Methodology Corpus-based research OE + ME ( - 1500) : ca. 750 ACs YCOE corpus EModE + LModE (1500-1914): ca. 5,500 ACs most registers: PENN parsed corpora of English poetry: personal selection of poems near spoken language (LModE only): direct speech tagged fragments from the Old Bailey Corpus PDE (1968-1994): ca. 4,000 ACs most registers: BNC Drama: Leuven drama corpus Search methods For YCOE and Penn: used the corpuss parsing system; searched for AC-tags

and filtered out wrong codings manually For the others: read the entire subcorpus and filtered out ACs manually Results Early Old English Only dative/ instrumental ACs were found These were all subordinate and adverbial in nature, often with a temporal meaning, in keeping with the standard use of the dative case (11) 7 hi druncennesse 7 oferhydo 7 geciide ond geflite 7 feste 7 orum mannum ysses gemetes wron heora swiran undereoddende, onweg aworpenum Cristes geoce am leohtan & am swetan. (YCOE, OEBede) And they bowed their necks to drunkenness, pride, strife, contention, envy and other sins of the same kind, the light and pleasant yoke of Christ having been cast off . (anteriority) (12) t Mercna mg, ofslegenum Pendan hyra cyninge, Cristes geleafan onfengon. (YCOE, OEBede) The Mercians received Christs faith, when their king Pendan was slain. (anteriority) Early Old English (13) yssum monnum one bysceophad eniendum ws on seonoe geseted & gedemed, t Suseaxna mg sceolde habban agenne

bysceop & bysceopsetl on heora leodum. (YCOE, OE Bede) While these men were discharging episcopal duties, it was determined and decreed in a synod, that the province of the South Saxons should have a bishop of their own, and an episcopal seat among their people. (accompanying circumstance) (14) Seo stow neowan gemonigfealdedum geleafsumum folcum in setle bisceopstoles ws toteced, ond ws re stowe se resta bisceop. (YCOE, OE Bede) This place lately owing to the multiplication of believers was added on as the seat of a bishop's see, and he was the first bishop of the place. (reason) Late Old English Development of secondary absolutes (Bauer 2000) in the accusative and nominative cases. (15) as hine sprecende to him m heonu aldormonn an geneolecde & gewordade hine cueende: (Lindisfarne glosses) While he was saying this to them, a synagogue leader came and knelt before him and said: . (16) onne ic solice oferflowendlice sorgigende weop, and ic heardlice mine breost cnyssende, onne geseah ic leoht

gehwanon me ymbutan scinende (YCOE, Mary of Egypt) Then indeed I wept, sorrowing excessively; and, I severely beating my breast, I then beheld light shining all around me Late Old English Importantly, only 2 (very similar) ACs from the dataset invited an unambiguous quasi-coordinate reading, both of them nominative ACs. (17a) Se e rixa on ecnysse mid am lmihtigan fder & am halgan gaste hi ry on anre godcundnysse wunigende butan anginne & ende He then ruled in eternity with the almighty father and the holy ghost, the three of them dwelling in divine nature, without beginning or end. = AND the three of them dwelled (lfric's Catholic Homilies I) (17b) ac he is God lmihtig, and se Halga Gast is on am heofonlican rymme fre lmihtig God on anre Godcundnysse mid am halgan Fder and am Hlende Criste, hi ry an lmihtig God fre rixiende, and he is God almighty and the Holy Ghost is in the heavenly glory always the almighty God in a single Divinity with the holy Father and Christ, the saviour, these three always reigning as an almighty God = AND these three always reign . Middle English

The OE case system is gradually lost. The AC comes to be expressed by the nominative, although oblique ACs remain possible in the margins (unidentifyable forms are normally interpreted as nominatives) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% unidentifyable instrumental accusative case nominative case dative case 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% OE

ME Middle English As the case system is breaking down, indeed more quasicoordinate readings show up (18) Jon e Euangelist, his broir, was exiled to Pathmos, wher he mad e Apocalips, but he deied in Ephese, noing founde in his graue but manna. (Capgrave's Chronicle, 1420-1500) (19) In ese dayes was Arthures body founde in e chercherd at Glaskinbury in a hol hok, a crosse of led leyd to a ston, and e letteres hid betwyx e ston and e led. (Capgrave's Chronicle, 1420-1500) (20) The whyche yere of hys raygne be ganne the fyrste daye of Septembyr, , and the age of the Kyng Harry the vj nought fully xij monythys whenne he beganne hys raygne. (Gregory's Chronicle, 1420-1500) (21) Ande that yere was the Counselle of Aras of alle Crystyn nacyons , there beynge iij cardynallys; (Gregory's Chronicle, 1420-1500) (22) And the Lorde Bonevyle was be-heddyd, the comyn sayynge that hys longage causyd hym to dye. (Gregory's Chronicle, 1420-1500) Middle English We also see a rise in possible augmentation types (Visser 1973) (prepositions and conjunctions that serve as introductory word to the

AC) and the relative frequency of augmentation (more data required) The loss of cases probably encouraged the use of an introductory marker of subordination, because the case no longer made this clear The range of possible augmentors was not limited anymore to prepositions with dative cases When a language shifts from synthetic to analytic, indication of grammatical functions using prepositions becomes a more common grammatical feature (23) Aftir is doo, Kyng Richard sat at mete at Westminster, (YCOE, 14201500) (24) inkyng may not goodly be getyn wi-outyn reding or heryng comyng before. (YCOE, 1350-1420) (25) an horrybull fyre schall aryse at e sonne goyng downe (YCOE, 13501420) (26) Thorw summe of e parischenys desyryng to make e chapelys lych to e parysch cherch, fel gret ple & gret heuynes be-twen e Priowr whech was her person & curat & e forseyd paryschenys (YCOE 1420-1500) Modern to Present-day English Uninhibited by the limits imposed by case usage, elaboration uses, including quasi-coordinate uses, continue to increase up to the PDE period 100% 90% 80%

70% 60% adverbial other elaboration quasi-coordinate 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% OE ME EModE LModE PDE

Modern to Present-day English While most augmentation types disappear again (the real prepositions become limited to use with the now frequent gerund) with develops into a semantically empty absolute marker and keeps increasing ease of processing by indicating the ACs subordinate and/or backgrounded syntactic status as the dative case used to do in the past, but without limiting the AC to strictly subordinate uses 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% otherwise augmented with-augmented unaugmented 50% 40% 30%

20% 10% 0% OE ME EModE LModE PDE Modern to Present-day English It is no wonder then, as with is used to increase ease of processing, by making the ACs backgrounded nature explicit, that it is especially common in (near) spoken language Augmentation and channel in LModE Augmentation and channel in PDE 100%

100% 90% 90% 80% 80% 70% 70% 60% 60% 50% 50%

40% 40% 30% 30% 20% 20% 10% 10% 0% written language (near-) spoken language

0% written language spoken language Conclusion Conclusion Case syncretism in the development from PIE to Latin and Greek coincided with a broadening of the ACs semantic and syntactic use This does not necessarily mean that case syncretism CAUSES change, but it removes a factor that previously prevented certain changes from possibly happening Similarly, we see that in ME, as the English case system is lost, the subordinate/adverbial meaning of the AC, previously restricted by the dative case, becomes broadened to include quasi-coordinate elaboration uses The fact that this use surfaces first in the newer nominative ACs supports the claim that case loss was a necessary

prerequisite for the development Conclusion (2) The loss of the case system probably also prompted the temporarily increased use of augmentors to make explicit the adverbial subordinated connection to the matrix previously expressed by the dative case Over time with developed into an optional AC-marker overtly signalling the ACs backgrounded nature, but not restricting it anymore to subordinate uses as the dative had done in the past. References Bauer, Brigitte. 2000. Archaic Syntax in Indo-European BNC: The British National Corpus, later part 20th century, 100 m words. Department of Linguistics, University of Oxford. (http://www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk/corpus/index.xml? ID=intro).

Callaway, M. Jr. 1889. 'The absolute participle in Anglo-Saxon'. AJP 10.3. 316-345. Helsinki Corpus of English Texts: Diachronic and Dialectal, 750-1700, 1.5 m words. Department of English, University of Helsinki. Third edition, (http://icame.uib.no/ hc/). Holland, G. B. 1986. Nominal sentences and the origin of absolute constructions in Indo-European. Zeitschrift fr vergleichende sprachforschung 99.2. 163-193. Huber, Magnus; Nissel, Magnus; Maiwald, Patrick; Widlitzki, Bianca. 2012. The Old Bailey Corpus. Spoken English in the 18th and 19th centuries. www.uni-giessen.de/oldbaileycorpus, (access 04-062013).

Killie, K. & T. Swan. 2009. 'The grammaticalization and subjectification of adverbial ing (converb clauses) in English'. ELL 13. 337-363. Kortmann, B. 1991. Free adjuncts and absolutes in English: problems of control and interpretation. London & New York: Routledge. Kortmann, B. 1995. 'Adverbial participial clauses in English'. In M. Haspelmath & E. Knig eds. 1995. Converbs in a cross-linguistic perspective. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 189-237. Berent, G. P. 1975. 'English absolutes in functional perspective'. In R.E. Grossman et al. eds. Papers from the parasession on functionalism: A paravolume to CLS 20, 10-33. Costello, J. R. 1982. 'The absolute construction in Indo-European: a syntagmemic reconstruction'. JIES 10.3-4. 235-252. clauses

References (2) PPCEME: The Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Early Modern English, 1500-1710, 1.7 m words. Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. CD-ROM, first edition, (http://www.ling.upenn.edu/hist-corpora/). PPCMBE: The Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Modern British English, 1700-1914, 1 m words. Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. CD-ROM, first edition, (http://www.ling.upenn.edu/hist-corpora/). Ruppel, Antonia. 2013. Absolute constructions in Early Indo-European. Cambridge Classical Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stump, G. T. 1985. The semantic variability of absolute constructions. Dordrecht: Reidel.

Timofeeva, Olga. 2010. Non-finite Constructions in Old English With Special Reference to Syntactic Borrowing from Latin. In Juhani Hrm, Jarmo Korhonen and Terttu Nevalainen. 2010. Mmoires de la Socit Nophilologique de Helsinki 80. Jyvskyl: WS Bookwell Oy; Timofeeva, Olga. 2008. Translating the Texts where et verborum ordo mysterium est: Late Old English Idiom vs. ablatives absolutus. The Journal of Medieval Latin 18. 217-229; Visser, Frederikus Theodorus. 1973. An Historical Syntax of the English Language. Leiden: Brill. Visser, Frederikus Theodorus. 1973. An historical syntax of the English language. Leiden: Brill. Timofeeva, Olga. 2008. Absolute Constructions in Functional Sentence Perspective: A Study of Old

English Translations and their Latin Originals. ICEHL: Workshop on Information Structure and Syntactic Change 15. 1-20; van de Pol, Nikki and Cuyckens, Hubert. 2011. Present-day English absolutes: a multiple-source construction? Presentation at the International workshop on Gradualness in change and its relation to synchronic variation and use. Pavia, 30-31 May 2011.

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