The Aspect Cycle - Arizona State University

The Aspect Cycle - Arizona State University

Change in Aspect Elly van Gelderen 16 June 2016 Chronos 12, Universit de Caen Normandie Outline Initally: about aspect cycles especially Grammatical Aspect Cycles: Imperfective and Perfective (ge-, have, -ing, particles). Now about Lexical Aspect: unaccusative > copula and causative; unergative > transitive. These show the

fundamental role of telic/durative/stative aspect. Change in verb meaning is due to changes in aspect and theta-roles, which is systematic. Lexical aspect is prelinguistic and innate; theta-structure follows from this. Grammatical and lexical aspect Grammatical lexical encoded in the connected to the V grammar -ing in English, ge- fall vs walk, -ed particles, light verbs Lexical > grammatical (Robertson & Law 2009)

Grammatical can shift lexical, e.g. past tense in (1): (1)He ate the turkey. But not always, e.g. imperfective over state: (2)*I am seeing the blue sky (for hours) Complex picture of lexical and grammatical aspect Elsness (1996: 192) for a corpus of modern Br/Am spoken and written.

Three basic lexical aspects a. unaccusative, causative: telic/Theme (Causer), e.g. drop, break b. unergative, transitive: durative/Agent (Theme), e.g. dance c. copula, experiencer subjects: stative/Theme (Experiencer), e.g. feel telic durative - stative telic centers around a Theme (1) The vase broke The wind broke the vase

unaccusative causative durative centers around an Agent (2) The president danced She danced the dance unergative transitive stative has a Theme and experiencer (3) I feared it - It appeared evil subject experiencer copula Acquisition

Bloom et al (1980) show that children are conscious of aspectual verb classes very early on. Thus, ed morphemes go with non-durative events, -ing with durative non-completive activities, and infinitives with stative verbs. Various researchers agree on this, e.g. Broman Olsen & Weinberg (1999) likewise show that a telic verb correlates with the presence of ed and that ing is frequent with dynamic and durative verbs.

Eve (Brown 1973) at 1;6 unaccusative unergativetransitive other block broke (fish are) swimming Eve pencil (Neil) sit wait, play, cook I did it down, busy, gone look Eve/you find it Mommy down, open Eve writingsee ya come down, stand dance doll eat celery sit down, fall down Mommy step read the puzzle (finger) stuck Mommy swing? change her

lie down stool man (no) taste it get her/it fix (it)/ Mommy fix bring it want Mommy letter write a paper man/papa have it (you) find it play (step) that radio

Adam (Brown 1973) has drawing at 2;7 and drawed at 4;3, as expected, but many factors are involved. Argument structure as pre-linguistic Argument structure and lexical aspect are at the basis of our propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is likely that AS is part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty.

Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether. If argument/thematic structure predates the emergence of language, an understanding of causation, intentionality, volition - all relevant to determining theta-structure is part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty. Argument structure is relevant to other parts of our

cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral grammar. Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that moral judgment depends on mind perception, ascribing agency and experience to other entities. De Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and bonobos show empathy, planning, and attribute minds to others. Conceptual structure: Jackendoff (e.g. 1997) is handed over to the syntax:

vP start v v ASPP process ASP ASP VPresult V V ...

Argument Structure and change Since argument structure is often seen as the least variable part of language, it makes sense to ask what we can learn from change: how systematic is it? The language learner has an active role in language change. If a verb becomes ambiguous, as happens with morphological erosion or aspectual coercion, the learner may analyze it in a different way from the speakers s/he is listening to, and this bias is interesting.

So far: Grammatical aspect is initially (L1) tied to the lexical aspect of the verb but later they diverge: COCA arriving arrived (988 4772). What I show next: changes in verbs that stay true to their lexical aspect (unaccusatives, unergatives, and copulas) and those that dont: psych-verbs. Interaction of changes in lexical and grammatical aspect.

Sources Vissers An Historical Syntax of the English Language, Jespersens A Modern English Grammar, Poutsmas A Grammar of Late Modern English. I Dictionary of Old English (DOE), Middle English Dictionary (MED), Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), Corpus of Historical American English (COHA), Historical Thesaurus of English, Oxford English Dictionary (OED) Bosworth & Tollers Anglo-Saxon Dictionary

81 intransitives from Visser aberstan `burst out, escape Th particle verb ablican `shine Th obsolete ablinan `cease, desistTh obsolete fnian `become evening 0 light v mtian/emtian `become empty Th light v (and labile) rnan `run A labile (caus, unerg, unacc) tfellan `fall away Th particle verb

tglidan `disappear, glide away Th particle verb tslidan `slip, slide Th labile tspringan `rush forth Th obsolete aferscan `become fresh, Th light v afulian `become fowl, rot Th light v alatian `to grow sluggish Th obsolete aleoran `to depart/flee Th obsolete ascortian `become short/pass away Th light v

aslapan `slumber, fall asleep Th obsolete berstan `burst Th burst labile (causative rare) bifian `tremble/shakeA obsolete blinnan `cease Th obsolete brogdian, brogdettan `tremble A obsolete bugan `bow down/bendTh obsolete cidan `quarrel, complain A transitive cirman `cry (out) A obsolete climban (upp) `climb A (same and) transitive cloccian `cluck, make noise A transitive (archaic)

clum(m)ian `mumble, mutter A obsolete clymmian `climb A (particle verb and) transitive cneatian `argue A obsolete cneowian `kneel down A obsolete cnitian `dispute A obsolete creopan `crawl A same: creep cuman `come, approach, arrive Th same: come (to) Results from Obsolete 40

Unchanged 15 Light v 9 unaccusative Particle 6 Labile 6 unaccusative Transitive 5 unergative Total 81 From OE>ME: Loss of Intransitives a) a complete loss of the verb, e.g. bifian `to shake, b) the loss of prefixes and addition of resultative particles, e.g. aberstan `burst out, escape,

c) the replacement by light verbs and adjective or noun, e.g. emtian `become empty, d) a change to labile verbs, e.g. dropian `drop, mtian `empty, i.e. alternating between causative and unaccusative, and e) a change to transitive verbs by unergatives, e.g. climb and chide. OE unergative > ME transitive (1)

stige on lenge, clymme on gecyndo rises in length, climbs in nature. (Sol. 416) (2) To climbe e cludes all e sunn sal haf e might. `To climb the clouds the sun shall have the power. (CM 16267) OE unaccusative > ME/ModE causative (3)fter gereordunge hi mtian after repast they empty (Benet, 82.13) (4)Hugo empties his pockets of screws (COCA) Tree gets more filled up

As causative i becomes opaque, more lability between causative/unaccusative Filling up the v-area The verbs that are replaced by light verbs are deadjectival and denominal verbs, namely fnian, mtian, aferscan, afulian, ascortian, dimmian, fordragan, etc: all unaccusative verbs in Old English but the new light verb determines whether it is unaccusative or causative.

The change to labile verb affects rnan, tslidan, berstan, droppian, droppetan, and growan. Apart from rnan, these are all unaccusative and end up with an optional causative. The case of rnan is complex; it is an unergative in Old English but acquires causative and unaccusative meanings. The new particles replace a prefix, as in aberstan, tfellan, tglidan, forscrincan, forgangangan, and forrsan. Like the prefixes, the new particles indicate a path or

result and `help original lexical aspect. The five unergative verbs that become transitive are cidan, climban, cloccian, clymmian, and felan. Cloccian is archaic but the others acquire a regular Theme. Again: filling up the tree. Obsolete? A possible pattern may be that many, among the 40 that become obsolete, are `uncontrolled process: bifian `tremble/shake, brogdian, brogdettan `tremble, cirman `cry (out),

clum(m)ian `mumble, mutter, giscian `sob, glisian `glitter, and glit(e)nian `glitter, shine. These verbs are durative but non-agentive. Sorace Hierarchy Change of Location come, arrive, fall UNACC Change of State begin, rise, blossom, die Continuation of a pre-existing state remain, last, survive Existence of State exist, please, belong

Uncontrolled Process cough, laugh, shine Controlled Process (motion) run, swim, walk, ring, rumble Controlled Process (non-motion) work, play, talk UNERG Intransitives Very predictable change: unaccusative > causative unergative > transitive Aspect is stable L1 acquisition: unergative and unaccusative are

distinguished early on. Next: copulas and psych-verbs Change to copulas English: duration (remain and stay), change of state (become and fall), and mood (seem and appear). Curme (1935: 66-8): 60 copulas in English; no other language shows such a vigorous growth of copulas (67). Visser (1963: 213-9) lists over a 100 for the various stages.

Unaccusative > copula: aspect is stable appear, become, fall, go, grow, turn, wane, break, last, remain, rest, stay, continue Unaccusative > copula (1) This Sterre ... that wee clepen the Lode Sterre, ne apperethe not to hem `This star, which we call the Lode Star, is not visible to them. (OED, 1366 Mandeville's Trav. xvii. 180) (2)And the Lord si, and it apperide yuel in hise ien. And the Lord saw and it appeared/was evil in his eyes.

(OED, a1425 Wycliffite Bible) (3)Onely oo cow she hadde a-lyue remaynyng of that pestilence. Only one cow she had alive remaining of the plague. (MED, 1425) (4)the hole body of Christes holy church remaine pure. (Thomas More Works 183 F8, Visser 1963: 195). Soraces Hierarchy: Theme/Agent and control Theme remains stable

Copulas are: Experiencer subject and copular use are up with -ing Be looking Be feeling Now Ill come back to the question of grammatical aspect

Currently generalization of ing to some stative verbs. The question is: Is the lexical aspect changing from stative > durative OR is the progressive > imperfective? Psych-verbs ObjExp stun

>telic SuAg fear `frighten >stative SubExp see/like/think >durative: mediated by ing? ObjExp to SuExp: loss of telic aspect

fran `frighten OE-1480 `fear1400-now lician `please OE-1800 `like 1200-now loathe OE-1600 1200-now marvel 1380-1500 1380-now relish1567-1794 1580-now Loss of causative iMany object Experiencer verbs are causative: fran < *frjan rjan `frighten Other productive causatives: a-hwnan `vex, afflict, gremman `enrage, abylgan `anger, swencan `harrass, a-rytan `weary, wgan `vex, and wyrdan `annoy.

So, does the loss of the causative in ferian cause reanalysis? Possibly with ferian but not with marvel and relish. `Last ObjExp with `fear (1)e fend move es debletis to fere Cristene [men] fro treue. `The enemy moves these devils to frighten Christian men from the truth. (MED, a1425 Wycl.Serm. Bod 788 2.328) (2)Thus he shal yow with his wordes fere.

`Thus, hell frighten you with his words. (MED, Chaucer TC 4.1483) The addition of result/instrument in ObjExp emphasizes Change of State in the later stages. Lots of telic markers are `helping (1) A womans looke his hart enfeares. A womans look frightens his heart. (OED, 1608) (2) Hou anticrist & his clerkis feren trewe prestis fro prechynge of cristis gospel. `How the antichrist and his clerks frighten true priests from

preaching Christs gospel. (OED, c1380 Wyclif Works) (3) Fere away the euyll bestes. `Frighten the evil animals away. (OED, 1504 Atkinson tr. Ful Treat.) (4) If there were nothing else to feare them away from this play. (OED, 1577) Object Experiencers Particles etc are helping with the telicity

Ambiguity (1)Thou wenyste that the syght of tho honged knyghtes shulde feare me? `You thought that the sight of those hanged knights should frighten me? (MED, a1470 Malory Wks.Win-C 322/17) (2)`Sir,' seyd sir Dynadan ... 'I feare me that sir Palomydes may nat yett travayle.' `Sir, said Sir Dynadan, I fear that Sir Palomydes cannot yet travel. (MED, a1470 Malory Wks.Win-C 606/17)

Loss of Obj Exp -Possibly, the loss of the i- causative -Causer seems unstable, e.g. please -has particles and light verbs in ME -learned late Acquisition Eve (Brown 1973) has SuExp like, love, want but not ObjExp anger, scare; her hurt is SuExp initially.

Eve love crayon (1;9), want mommy letter (1;6), want watch (1;6), want mommy out (1;6), want lunch, want down, want mommy read (1;6) ... but: hurt xxx self (1;7), hurt knee (1;9), I hurt my finger (1;11) Sarah has early want (2;3), love (2;5), and hurt as in: I hurt again (2;9.6). Her scare is late at 3;7: to scare me on the dark (3;7.16) Current changes: ExpSu>Agent? (1) I am liking/loving/hating it.

E.g. in COCA: (2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to be hating that and totally tired. (3) and I am liking what I see in the classrooms (4) lately we've been loving broccoli rabe, which (5) And so everybody in town was knowing that this was happening (6) I've been fearing the answers. Anecdotally, this construction is blamed on the fast food advertisement i'm lovin' it and on facebook, where people are

urged to like certain stories. Wikipedia ( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/McDonald%27s_advertising) writes that the fast food slogan was created by Heye & Partner (in Germany and originally as ich liebe es because German lacks a progressive). The slogan was launched in English (and German) in 2003. Use of Im lovin(g) in COCA (years, total number, per million) Stative verbs towards more -ing be guessing that

be thinking that Sofar ObjExp fear `frighten >stative SuAg ? SubExp see/like/think >durative

Renewal of Object Experiencers anger, scare 1200 Old Norse astonish 1375 unclear grieve 1330 French please 1350 Anglo-Norman irritate 1531 Latin frighten 1666 internal change stun 1700 internal change worry 1807 internal change

New ObjExp: new v-Cause (1) Suche daunsis, whichedyd with vnclene motions or countinances irritate the myndes of the dauncers to venereall lustes. (1531 Elyot Bk. named Gouernouri. xix. sig. Kijv) (2) Impietydoth embitter all the conveniencies and comforts of life. (a1677 I. Barrow Serm. Several Occasions 1678: 52) (3) Which at first did frighten people more than anything. (1666 S. Pepys Diary 4 Sept VII 275) Agent/Cause and Th > Th/Cause and Exp

(1) a. They kill it [a fish] by first stunning it with a knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies tr. A. Olearius Voy & Trav. Ambassadors 165) b. The ball, which had been nearly spent before it struck him, had stunned instead of killing him. (OED, 1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271) (2) Why doe Witches and old women, fascinate and bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton Anat Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127) Haspelmath (2001), based partly on Cole et al (1980), suggests two changes: (a) Experiencer Objects first acquire subject

behavior. (b) Verbs change from concrete to abstract, e.g. fascinate and stun originally mean `to bewitch and `to deprive of consciousness or of power of motion by a blow, respectively Levin & Grafmiller (2013) accommodate human subjects? COHA, 1815 - 1875 The frequent inanimate subjects with stun violate the animacy hierarchy and the Agent is therefore `demoted to causer.

Changes in lexical aspect ObjExp stun >telic SuAg fear `frighten >stative SubExp see/like/think

>durative Role of grammatical aspect? In the period that these verbs change, i.e. from 1800 to the present, there are 95 instances of the verb stun with the durative ing but 3084 of the passive/resultative or perfective stunned, as in (1). (1)that it has stunned us like the shock of an earthquake (COHA, 1829, NF) This means that the internally durative verb is coerced into the telic one of by the outer, perfective aspect. The

COHA data show no difference in an addition of a result phrase between the two types. Does the ing go from Progr > Impf or does the lexical aspect change? -be deliberately V-ing: not yet in COCA with stative verbs. -imperative (1) Fear the Fork! (2) Treasure the sun. Fear the snow. (fic 2001) (3) Don't fear the judgment of others (spok 2011)

Imperfective Cycle (Deo; Enke et al) form(s) strategy languages (a) Impf zero-PROG Russian, Arabic (b) (prog)impf emergent-PROG German, Dutch (c)prog;impf categorical-PROG English, Swahili (d) impf generalized-PROG Turkish, Tigre (English impf = present; progressive = ing)

In the history of English Imperfective is simple present in OE, ME, and eModE: (1) nu ic arisu cwi drihten `Now I rise up said the lord' (Vespasian Psalter 11.6, Visser 663). (2) What do ye, maister Nicholay? `What are you doing, master Nicholay' (Chaucer, Miller's Tale). Optional progressive: (3) on feohtende wron o niht

on fighting were until night `(they) were fighting until night' (Anglo Saxon Chronicle C, D, E, 871 Thorpe 1861: 138-9). Obligatory progressive around 1800: (1) a body moving in a place which is in motion doth participate the motion of its place. (Berkeley, Treatise, 1710) (2) he is writing about it now. (Persuasion ch 23, 1817).

Habitual (continues as imperfective present): (2)I dare not let my mother know how little she (Emma II, ch 9). eats Is English moving to stage (d) or is the lexical aspect changing from stative to durative? I am not sure:

Be deliberately V-ing does not yet occur in COCA with stative verbs, but ing is also being used for copulas and other stative verbs. Psych-verbs ObjExp stun >telic SuAg fear `frighten

>stative SubExp see/like/think >durative: mediated by ing?? Conclusion: changes in lexical aspect Unaccusative verbs > adding light verbs + labile and unergatives > transitive Increase in lability: 80 > 800 Unaccusatives > copulas

Unaccusatives > unergatives; Unergatives > unaccusatives Psych-verbs: ObjExp > SuExp; but not the other way round. Psych-verb and copula: Theme is crucial and stable but aspect is affected by animacy hierarchies. Changes in Grammatical aspect: Perfective Cycle: Resultative > anterior > perfective/past Bybee et al (1994: 105)

Imperfective cycle: Not clear if it influences the lexical aspect Conceptual Structure Aspectual +/-telic, +/- durative is pervasive, especially with changes in intransitives. Verbs always have a Theme argument but they dont always have an Agent or Causer. The latter are introduced by optional light verbs which may be overt or not.

The vP shell is stable and may show the conceptual structure with an emphasis on aspect and theta-roles. References Allen, Cynthia. 1995. Case marking and reanalysis. OUP Borer, Hagit 2005. In Name Only. OUP. Brinton, Laurel. 1988. The Development of English Aspectual Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins & William Pagliuca 1994. The evolution of grammar. tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: Chicago University Press.

Carey, K. 1994. The grammaticalization of the Perfect in Old English: An Account Based on Pragmatics and Metaphor In William Pagliuca (ed.) Perspectives on grammaticalization, 103-17. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Comrie, Bernard 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Deo, Ashwini 2015. The semantic and pragmatic underpinnings of grammaticalization paths: The progressive to imperfective shift. Semantics and Pragmatics. Elsness, Johan 1996. The Perfect and Preterite in Contemporary and Earlier English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Enke, Dankmar, Roland Mhlenbernd & Igor Yanovich 2016. The emergence of the progressive to imperfective diachronic cycle in reinforcement learning agents. ms. Gelderen, Elly van 2011. Valency Changes. JHL 1.1: 106-143.

Gelderen, Elly van 2014. Changes in Psych-Verbs. CJL 13: 99-122. Hale, Ken & Keyser, Samuel Jay. 2002. Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure. MIT Press. Haspelmath, Martin 2001. Non-Canonical Marking of Core Arguments in European Languages. In Aikhenvald et al (eds), Non-Canonical Marking of Subjects and Objects, 53-83. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Jackendoff, Ray 1987. Consciousness and the Computational Mind. MIT Press. Lavidas, Nikolaos 2013. Null and cognate objects and changes in (in)transitivity: Evidence from the history of English. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 60.1: 69-106.

Leiss, Elisabeth. 2000. Artikel und Aspekt. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995. Unaccusativity. MIT Press. Lohndal, Terje 2014. Phrase structure and argument structure. OUP. McMillion, Allan. 2006. Labile Verbs in English. Stockholm PhD. Pinker, Steven 1989. Learnability and Cognition. MIT Press. Robertson, John & Danny Law 2009. From valency to aspect in the CholanTzeltalan family of Mayan. IJAL 75.3: 293-316. Ryan, John 2012. The Genesis of Argument Structure. Lambert AP. Perfective Cycle: from lexical to grammatical Resultative > anterior > perfective/past Bybee et al (1994: 105)

OE has ge- as perfective and have as resultative (for telic verbs) and as anterior/perfect: (1) Her Hengest & sc gefuhton wi Walas & genamon unarimenlicu `In this year H and A fought against the Welsh and took countless (Peterborough Chronicle, 473.1). (2) Hfde hine Penda adrefedne & rices benumene had him Penda driven and land taken `Penda had driven him and had taken his land. (Peterborough Chronicle, 658.3) (3) a hie a hfdon feoran dl re ea geswummen, then they then had fourth part that river swum

Have in Germanic is now past but in Mod English have is decreasing after an initial increase. (Elsness 1996). From result to anterior: Carey (2005) shows present nu `now vs anterior r `before sian `since with have +PP Various claims about perfect > past change in BrE but AmE decrease in perfect.

From perfective ge- to telic up in the Peterborough Chronicle (1)Headda abbot heafde r gewriton hu Wulfhere ... `Headda the abbot had before written (PC, 350, before a960) (2)til he aiauen up here castles `till they gave up their castles.' (PC, 1140, 52) (3)Sum he iaf up `Some (castles) he gave up.' (PC 1140) (4)he uuolde iiuen heom up Wincestre `he would give Winchester up to them.' (PC 1140)

But up never grammaticalized into a perfective in Middle English; stayed lexical indicating result/telicity. Renewal involves P > ASP: Smyth (1920: 366):"[t]he addition of a preposition ... to a verbal form may mark the completion of the action of the verbal idea (perfective action)". (1) eis-elthen eis ton oikon NT Greek in-came in the house `He entered the house. (Luke 1.40, Goetting 2007: 317) (2)Ivan skoi prez ogradata Bulgarian

Ivan jumped over fence-the `Ivan jumped over the fence. (3)Ivan pres-koi ogradata Ivan over-jumped fence.the `Ivan jumped the fence.' (Mariana Bahtchevanova p.c.) ModE Renewal of the resultative lexical aspect by particles evaporate out boost up

dissipate away issue out spend down order up receive in/back offer up copy out distribute out present out include in compact down calculate out report up return back So far: Cycles: some loss of lexical aspect and gain of grammatical and lexical

Telic Adverb > Perfective ASP Resultative have + PP (and ge-) > Anterior > Perfective Cycle in von der Gabelentz (1901) The history of language moves in the diagonal of two forces: the impulse toward comfort, which leads to the wearing down of sounds, and that toward clarity, which disallows this erosion and the destruction of the language. The affixes grind themselves down, disappear without a trace; their

functions or similar ones, however, require new expression. They acquire this expression, by the method of isolating languages, through word order or clarifying words. ctd: The latter, in the course of time, undergo agglutination, erosion, and in the mean time renewal is prepared: periphrastic expressions are preferred ... always the same: the development curves back towards isolation,

not in the old way, but in a parallel fashion. That's why I compare them to spirals.

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