Two DP Layers within the Central Kurdish Noun Phrase
Two DP Layers within the Central Kurdish Noun Phrase Rebwar Shafie Tahir PhD Candidate 2/7/20 From NP to DP: Some theoretical background Early stages of Generative Grammar: A noun phrase is the projection of the head noun, whereas other accompanying elements such as articles, determiners and adjectives are modifying elements (see Jackendoff 1977). Abneys (1987) DP Hypothesis: A noun phrase is headed by a functional category realized by a determiner (D) with NP as its complement. Functional heads following DP Hypothesis: Any lexical or inflectional category which has a grammatical function and provides semantic content is the head of a maximal projection (Chomsky 1995). 2/7/20 The Noun Phrase in CK Functional elements to express (in)definiteness in Central Kurdish (CK, henceforth). (1) (3) esp-eke horse-DEF
esp-k horse-INDEF (2) the horse (4) a horse esp-e horse-IZ zil-eke big-DEF esp-k-i horse-INDEF-IZ zil big the big horse a big horse eke in Hawrami is regarded as head of DP (Holmberg and Odden 2004, 2008). The D category in CK is associated only with (in)definiteness features. 2/7/20
Definiteness and the status of the morpheme -e Demonstratives are accompanied by the clitic e attaching to the noun or to the end of postnominal modifier(s). (5) em this pyaw-e man-DEF this man (6) ew pyaw-e that man-IZ pir-e old-DEF that old man Previous assumptions about -e -e is part of the prenominal demonstrative article (Fattah 1997: 181 and pengin 2013: 107) My assumption e is a marker of definiteness and the prenominal part marks the deictic feature. 2/7/20 Evidence that e is a definite marker: In a narrative, a noun can carry the inflection -e (7)
in-k ra-y woman-INDEF way-3SG mindal-eke-i, child-DEF-3SG in-e woman-DEF de-kird berew PROG-make.PST hawar-i shout-3SG towards me us de-kird
PROG-make.PST legel with bo for du two yarmeti help A woman was running towards us with her two kids; the woman was calling for help. kam which and i what The interrogative quantifier which marks definiteness, while what indicates indefiniteness (Pesetsky 1987, 2000; Gebhardt 2009). (8) kam sw-e? which apple-DEF 2/7/20 which apple? (9) i what
sw-k ? apple-INDEF what apple? The quantifier her any/each The quantifier each encodes definiteness or specificity, while any expresses indefiniteness (Beghelli and Stowell 1997; Giannakidou 1998, 1999, 2004; Vendler 1962: 157-159). (9) ba her kes-e sw-k let each person-DEF apple-INDEF Let each person (of them) take an apple. ber-t. take.subju-3SG (10) her kes-k hat bo re yarmeti any person-INDEF come.PST to here help Help any anybody who comes here. 2/7/20
bi-de IMP-give.1SG The demonstratives can occur without e, where the relevant nominal construction is devoid of any sense of definiteness. (11) swalker-eke deger-t le em ma(*-e) bo ew ma(*-e). beggar-DEF roam.PRS-3SG from this house(*DEF) to that house The beggar goes from one house to another. Vocative constructions are standardly considered definite (Lyons 1999: 152). (12) daik-e mother-V(DEF) you, mummy (13) kurd-in-e kurd-PL-V(DEF) you, Kurds 2/7/20 Cross-linguistic evidence of definite markers accompanying demonstratives is found in several languages including Romanian, Macedonian, Hungarian, Bulgarian, Indonesian, Irish, Spanish
and Greek. (14) toj covek-ot this man-the this man (15) tazi kniga-ta this book-the this book (16) aftos o andras this the man this man Macedonian Giusti (1992: 7) colloquial Bulgarian Franks (2001: 19) Greek Panagiotidis (2000: 718) Thus, apart from the indefinite marker -k, CK has two markers of definiteness: eke and e. 2/7/20 Question: Are the (in)definite markers all realized by the same D category? Answer: Given the surface order inside the DP, the answer is negative. (17) esp-eke-an horse-DEF-PL
the horses (18) esp-e zil-eke-an horse-IZ big-DEF-PL the big horses (19) ew esp-an-e that horse-PL-DEF those horses (20) ew esp-e zil-an-e that esp-IZ big-PL-DEF those big horses Number projects a phrase (see Ritter 1991, 1992, 1995) -an is the Num head of a functional projection (NumP).
The two definite markers appear in different positions : eke precedes an, whereas e follows it. If DP is realized by discourse-related functional elements, CK should have two DP layers with NumP intermediate between them. 2/7/20 Theoretical background and assumptions A non-lexicalist approach: Nouns enter the derivation from the lexicon as bare stems. If a noun appears with inflectional elements, it must have received these inflections in the derivation (Baker 1988; Cinque 1999; Julien 2002, Marantz 1997). The LCA (Kayne 1994) Phrases with head-final order are derived by movement of the complement to a position asymmetrically c-commanding the head. Since the noun sw apple in (17) appears before the functional inflections, it must be in a derived position. 2/7/20 Based on Chomskys (1995) minimalist derivational theory, the structure for the noun phrases in (21) and (2) are as represented in (23) and (24), respectively. (21) sw-ek-an (22) ew
sw-an-e that apple-PL-DEF those apples apple-DEF-PL the apples (23) (24) NumP DP DP NumP Num D DP NumP -e -an
NumP DP Num D NP -eke sw -an NP DemP NP ew sw The noun phrase in (21) projects a DP contained by the projection of Number (23), that in (22) projects a DP which contains NumP (24). 2/7/20
Position of demonstratives: Demonstratives merge somewhere lower than definite article (Biberauer et al. 2014; Roberts 2011; Guardiano 2010). Motivation for NP movement: If movement is always triggered by some feature (Chomsky 2000, 2001, 2008), D and Num should carry an EPP feature. Purely syntactic features that trigger movement are widely supported in recent literature (Biberauer et al. 2014; Pesetsky and Torrego 2001; Roberts and Roussou 2003). Linearization movement Drawing on the LCA, Biberauer et al. (2014) argue that the head of a head-final construction bears a movement triggering feature moving the sister of the head to the specifier of that head. 2/7/20 Questions about two D categories: Why two DPs? Does the difference in the structure indicate a difference between the feature make-up of the two D categories? Could one D position encode some feature not shared by the other D? Where is k realized? 2/7/20 The two D positions: Definiteness: the grammaticalization of specificity and uniqueness (En 1991; Lyons 1999). Uniqueness: the referent is familiar to the speaker and the hearer (Anderssen 2007: 255).
Specificity: the referent familiar to the speaker, but not (necessarily) to the hearer (Anderssen 2007: 255). My proposal The lower D position realized by eke is the locus of definiteness proper entailing both specificity and uniqueness. The higher D spelled out by e encodes the single feature of specificity subsumed under definiteness. 2/7/20 In possessive constructions -eke denotes definiteness, while e encodes specificity. (25) kur-eke-m naw-i boy-DEF-1SG name-3SG My sons name is Azad. Azad-e. Azad-AUX.PRS (26) ew kur-e-m naw-i that boy-DEF-1SG name-3SG That son of mines name is Azad. Azad-e Azad-AUX.PRS
The DP kur-eke-m my son in (25), is both unique and specific. However, ew kur-e-m that son of mine in (26) is specific but not unique. 2/7/20 Further evidence that e marks specificity in CK In morphology, too, -e indicates specificity. (27) wiax-i berz (28) wiax-e berz-e animal-IZ tall animal-IZ tall-DEF tall animals horse or mule, literally, the tall animal wiax-i berz tall animals in (27) is generic. wiax-e berz-e literally, the tall animal denotes a horse or a mule. More examples: (29) sed hundred hundred sed-e hundred-SPEC century
(31) bin dest-e under hand-SPEC coin flipping, game 2/7/20 (30) dwan two two dwan-e two-SPEC twin (32) du kilk-e two tail-SPEC earwig, an insect with two tails Cross-linguistic evidence. Articles which mark specificity not definiteness are rather widespread (Lyons 1999: 59) . l in Brazilian Portuguese is a functional category marking specificity (Pereira 2010). (33) essa mulher l this woman the
this woman Mavea, a language spoken in Vanuatu uses distinct articles to mark definiteness and specificity Gurin (2007) Rijkhoffs (2002) survey of 85 languages: -Definite articles co-occurring with demonstratives in languages like Abkhaz and Hungarian are not associated with definiteness, but with specificity. 2/7/20 Position of k: k is a marker of indefiniteness, not just a diachronic remnant of the numeral k one as claimed by Lyons (1995: 95). -k can co-occur with plural marking (34). The definite marker -e has the same morpheme order as -k with respect to the plural marker (35), which is different from that of eke (36). (34) kes-an-k person-PL-INDEF (some) people (35) ew kes-an-e that person-PL-DEF those people (36) kes-eke-an person-DEF-PL the people Given its distribution , -k merges with NumP similarly to the definite marker e.
2/7/20 (37) Shows the structure for (34), compared to the general proposed structure for the CK DP (38) (37) (38) DP DP DP D D NumP -k NumP (-k), (-e) Num NP -an
kes NumP Num -an Semantic evidence: k encodes specificity only, similarly to e. (39) kur-k-m naw-i Azad-e. boy-INDEF-1SG name-3SG Azad-AUX.PRS A son of mines name is Azad. (40) ew kur-e-m naw-i that boy-DEF-1SG name-3SG That son of mines name is Azad. Azad-e Azad-AUX.PRS Both DPs in (39, 40) are interpreted as specific but not unique. 2/7/20 DP D
NP (-eke) esp Thank you for your attention! Any questions ? 2/7/20
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